The Surgeons and their Voyages - Tales from Transcribers

by Colleen Arulappu

Department of the

Physician General

Admiralty, 1st December, 1836

The Surgeons Superintendents of Convict Ships are particularly desired to notice, that they will be required to render a regular Sick Book, with the Journal, and the Nosological Synopsis now added thereto, in a complete and Scientific state, together with a certificate from the Medical Storekeeper at Deptford, as to the condition and number of their Surgical Instruments, in all respects the same as if employed in King’s Ships, agreeably to the new Instructions for the Service Afloat, and that in the event of any failure in these particulars, the Certificates necessary from this Department, to entitle them to receive their Pay and Allowances will be withheld.

W. Burnett

Transcribing the medical journals written by the surgeon superintendents aboard the convict transport ships was a journey itself, often taking often nearly as much time as a voyage and providing many glimpses of life aboard a convict transport ship. The routine, the accounts of illnesses and treatment and occasional brief tales of individual women vary but each surgeon gave something of himself in the journal jottings. Occasionally it was flash of humour, frustrations as their patients’ recovery from illness was slow and tedious, sometimes anger at disruption and revolt but always dedication to the regulations regarding cleanliness and avoiding dampness.  The surgeons deserve their own stories and recognition for their role in the history of transportation. They were men the Royal Navy could be proud of with their records of successfully delivering prisoners to the colonies.   

Colleen Arulappu

The Surgeons and their Voyages - Tales from Transcribers will be published below as a series of chapters.



  • Joseph Steret (Edward 1834) Open or Close

    Joseph Steret

    a.c 1801

    Edward 1834

     ‘by no means fond of taking medicine but very fond of complaining’.

    Joseph Steret was surgeon superintendent of the Edward which left Woolwich, England on 5 May 1834 and arrived in Hobart on the 4 September 1834. He was an experienced Royal Navy Medical Officer who was an assistant surgeon in 1817 and promoted to surgeon in 1824. The appointment to the Edward was his second voyage on a convict transport ship and the only one which carried females.  He served aboard male convict ships: the Camden 1833 to Port Jackson and later the Bardaster 1836 and the Neptune 1838 to Hobart. 

    Although Joseph Steret’s medical journal from the Edward is not a long document it is fascinating and at times humorous.  A quick passage and “tolerably” fine weather made the voyage comfortable enough to prevent serious health conditions developing and allowed him time to write of problem behaviour.  There were one hundred and fifty-one female convicts and twenty children aboard with no deaths of convict women or children during the voyage.  The women arrived at the ship in small numbers at different times and some had travelled considerable distances. Joseph Steret thought the transfer from jail caused fatigue and catarrh but none severe enough to be sent to hospital.

    The Edward was a class AE1 ship, a category of older vessel which had passed the prescribed age but not sufficiently repaired to restore a continuation of a class A1 certificate.  Steret considered the design of the ship with its “great height and comparative shortness” caused the ship in a head-on sea “to labour beyond anything I could have fancied”.  

    In the first weeks of the voyage all of the women and passengers suffered from sea-sickness.  The motion of the vessel led them to suffer headaches and sluggish bowels which Steret said sometimes would “permit constipation to a length quite astonishing”, without complaint or feeling great inconvenience for upwards of fourteen days. He treated these cases by prescribing Croton Oil and Epsom Salts dissolved in an Infusion of Gentian, two or three times a day, to ease the problem.

    Fainting and hysteria fracas were frequent ailments, particularly in the first months.  Cold ablutions brought the fainted back to consciousness and Steret regarded the hysteria as a common problem among young girls. His dealings with a couple of the younger women might have strengthened his opinion.

    However, the main topic of his journal was Mary Creed who had been sentenced to fourteen years transportation "for stealing a watch from the person".  It was her behaviour rather than a medical problem of any importance that put her in the hospital and Joseph Steret was concerned that he might bear the blame if anything happened to her on the voyage.  A letter was sent to him from the medical officer at Horsemonger Lane Gaol stating that Mary Creed had been bedridden for three years although there were doubts about her inability to walk. He also received an official intimation that it was “considered advisable’ to allow her to undertake the voyage as “Her temper and habits in the prison were so vile - her removal was thought to be necessary”. The jail officials clearly wanted to be rid of her. “She is reported by the person who brought her here, to be of the most stormy temper, frequently throwing articles at the matrons and nurses and keeping the whole prison in subjection to her untameable passions; doing so with perfect impunity either from want of power, or will in the persons, having charge, until I understand it is quite a jubilee to have closed her out.” Steret examined Mary and regarded her in sufficiently good general health to justify taking her, even though she would be bedridden for a greater part, if not all, of the voyage.

    Mary told Steret that she had lost movement in her lower limbs around the time of her last conviction when she was given mercurial treatment for a gonorrhoeal discharge. However, he found the limbs were not wasted or paralysed and that she could move them freely. He saw that she used her hands and knees to move about the bed “with facility in that manner” and thought if there was any disability it must have been in her feet and ankles. Other prisoners told him that they had seen her walking and the only medical problem he found was constipation and prescribed a dose of Castor Oil.

    Being constantly bedridden caused difficulties and she soon became a nuisance to those around her. The matron asked Steret to admit her to hospital because her presence had “destroyed the comfort of others in the mess”.  Mary could not believe her bad luck and was “exceedingly astonished” that she remained on board and said that they would have had trouble getting her out of the Gaol had she known.

    Her messmates were anxious to be rid of her because she was one of the most expert thieves and “conveyancers” on board and a “good planner of robbery”. Steret investigated a theft and proved that Mary, with the help of two girls, was the main instigator of the robbery and the receiver of the booty. “She is so cunning that she was prepared for this accusation and had told me this morning that it would be made in order to prejudice me against her, the other women being envious because I was kind to her. She received the information that the evidence against her was conclusive with great coolness merely looking sulky”.

    A battle of wits between Mary and Steret continued with Mary claiming her teeth were loose but he examined them and did not find any problem.  Sea-sickness was common among the women and Mary suffered greatly from it. Steret wrote- “The poor unfortunate has been most dreadfully seasick; with intense headache”He accused her of “shaming” fits and fainting in order to be given wine which she said she was allowed and had a half pint daily while in prison. He remarked, “I do not wonder that she remained in her bed more than two years, when by doing so she got everything she asked for”. Instead of giving her wine to ease the fits and fainting he ordered blisters to be applied to her stomach and neck.  She ripped off the dressings and quickly recovered from in a “special short time’’

    One day after divine service Mary asked to be carried up on deck where she remained for a couple of hours and then “shamed syncope beautifully” hoping for a little additional wine.  Instead she was given water which she spat out.  She got sulky with Steret because he would not give her wine every day and she only received wine occasionally and preserved meats two or three times a week. He remarked that she was, “by no means fond of taking medicine but very fond of complaining”.

    For the first month aboard ship Mary and Steret had come to an understanding that it would be best for her to be quiet, and her bad behaviour was held in check, but it broke out after an argument with another woman.  Steret wrote, A storm in the Hospital between Creed and one of the women. She uses the most foul, and abusive language with a fluency to me quite astonishing – but the threat of the strait waistcoat and shaving and blistering her head as if she were mad quieted her”. After that incident Steret put her in Coventry for a week or more and peace reigned. Two weeks later she was in a particularly good humour and made a display of trying to walk across the hospital with the aid of two girls and then busied herself making a pudding. Steret said all the “fine weather behaviour was to obtain a little more wine and she constantly asked for medicine which she seldom if ever took.

    Mary had excoriations about the labia caused by her dirty habits and she was annoyed with Steret for not examining them but instead had directed the nurse to examine her. The abrasions were of no consequence and she continued to be very sulky with him because he would not give her wine every day and only a gill when allowed.

    One night a light was not sent down early enough for Mary’s liking so she took a broomstick and began beating it against the deck. Steret’s response was not to send down a light at all and the next morning he ordered her removal, “bag and baggage”, into the centre of the after prison. He organized some of the ship’s crew to assist in her removal which was not a simple task.   She tried to scratch and kick and bite the men and I understand frightened some of them, however there she is”. There seemed to be some satisfaction in “however, there she is”.

    On the prison deck Mary managed to get drunk and made a glorious row and had to be restrained by a strait waistcoat. Steret avoided going near her and she screamed and shouted until she had lost her voice. “I would not be much astonished at this, from the mode in which she exercised her lungs” he wrote.

    After a few days Mary wrote a long letter to Steret expressing her sorrow and contrition and as usual asked for wine and blankets.  Steret kept well away from her which did nothing to improve her behaviour and she threw a spitting-pot at one girl’s head.  When Steret still had not appeared two days later she sent him an abusive letter, “one of the most extraordinary letters of abuse possible… This I suppose is because I have not been near her since she was turned out of the Hospital”.  Again, “During the night she exercises her lungs in a manner to show there was nothing wrong either with the lungs or trachea, and that the whole affair of her aphonia (loss of voice) was simulation”.

    Another letter of apology and contrition was sent but this time Mary threw the blame on some of the other women and asked for more blankets. Steret had screens put up around her and provided her with an extra blanket as the weather had turned cold. The journey continued and her behaviour remained contained, in fact, Steret said she had “gone on pretty well”, until the last few weeks of the voyage when she managed to get drunk.  It was not revealed how she obtained the alcohol but perhaps some of the sailors had a hand in it. “she contrived to get drunk and threw the whole after prison into a complete uproar. I ordered her to be sluiced with three buckets of cold salt water – which made her tolerably quiet”.  Steret considered her conduct inexcusable as William Martin, the master of the ship, had died from heart disease the evening before and his body had still not been sent to the deep.   

    The drenching with sea water did the trick and Mary was ‘pretty well’ behaved for the remainder of the voyage. But she apparently did not recover her ability to walk because she was set to hospital in Hobart. Steret’s final entry for Mary was: “I had the satisfaction of sending her to the care of my friend Dr Scott at Hobart Town. In nearly quite as good health as I had received her”. Mary Creed, originally from County Cork, Ireland, was 27 years old when she arrived in Hobart. She found her feet and was assigned work but drunkenness and trouble were never far away. In April 1836 she was sent to the Factory in Hobart where she refused to work and was ordered to the wash tubs. A further offence, of mending her stays with parts of a sheet from the hospital, saw her sentence extended and to be served in a solitary working cell. She died at the Female House of Correction on 17 October 1836.

    Nearly as troublesome for Steret was eighteen-year-old Martha Brookes who had been sentenced to fourteen years transportation for stealing a pair of stays. Martha had breast pain and vomited blood clots and was treated with digitalis.  However, when her health improved she had a night out in the main prison with her friends, became drunk and, commenced a fight with another woman.  Steret said that although Martha was a very slight creature and her opponent was at least half as big again she by, “all accounts acquitted herself gallantly – for which she is now doing penance in the “Solitary Cell” on low diet”.  He finished his account with the words, “Requiesat in pace”.

    Joseph Steret’s gentle quirky humour appears throughout his journal. He may well have wished Martha Brookes a quiet time in solitary with his remark but perhaps he wanted some peace and quiet. 

    Another patient, Mary Wake, suffered a bout of diarrhoea and was admitted into the hospital. She was cured after two weeks but obviously enjoyed the medical comforts and food provided and Steret remarked, I do not think my fat friend Mary – would have any objection to remain in the Hospital during the voyage”.  His gentle teasing told us much about Mary and her contentment by being given a better diet and conditions in hospital.

    The descriptions of the character of the patients were colourful insights into things which happened during the voyage and although Joseph Steret added his humorous asides he did not write in derogatory terms of the women. He told of actions which were disturbing to other prisoners and made managing them frustrating and difficult but he did not cast the women as wicked nor write of them with contempt. One young woman was scolded for being careless and thoughtless because her illness was a result of her own actions in exposing herself to the rain. He also wrote of an accident aboard the ship when an unsecured cannonball became loose.  Mary Gillard was sitting by the capstan when the cannonball rolled her way, caught her clothes and dragged her away with it.    A couple of people caught hold of the cannonball and extricated Mary Gillard who ended up with a slight hurt in her side and thigh.

    Joseph Steret complained of the damp and wet of the prison. He said the ship was so high out of the water that the strains on her upper deck and poop allowed rain or fine sprays of water an easy passage into the prison. He felt it contributed to the outbreak of scurvy which affected mostly the old and infirm women.  By the end of the voyage there were many such cases but only a few women were confined to bed.  They were given lemon juice and preserved meats and were able to reach their destination.  Steret felt strongly that if the voyage had continued any longer many could have lost their lives. Not one prisoner died on the journey.

    However, there was one death and it was the master, W.J. Martin, who had been ill at Deptford before the ship left.  He received medical treatment in London for inflammation of the lungs and recovered but in the latter part of the voyage succumbed to heart disease. Joseph Steret performed an autopsy which revealed evidence of damage to the heart and provided an exact cause of death.

    With few medical cases described there is little about the medicines and treatment Joseph Steret used but in the General Remarks he listed saline draughts, camphor and opium, purgatives, ammonia blister and bleeding. He concluded that the “very number of my remedies proved how little good resulted from any one”. He said that ammonia dissolved in camphor mixture and given as an effervescent with citric acid was the preferred medicine. In two cases of pneumonia he prescribed digitalis and said,” it exerts a powerful and beneficial influence over her vascular system”.

    Joseph Steret’s first voyage on a convict transport ship had been in charge of a group of male convicts and in his general remarks at the end of the journal from the Edward he made a comparison between male and female convicts. – “women having fewer restrictions, and much more room than men – they are besides much more cleanly in their prisons and mess places – and are therefore I consider less liable to disease”.

    The last comment in the journal was a tribute to the late master of the ship and the officers. “It is but justice to the late master and officers to say they cheerfully complied with all my demands” –  Joseph Steret was in his early thirties when he made the voyage aboard the Edward.  The fair weather and the fewer cases of serious illness among the women made his task as surgeon superintendent not as onerous as some voyages. He probably had time to converse with the master and officers and his humour would have made him a welcome sailing companion. Perhaps at times they enjoyed a fine wine after the late evening meal unaware of the drunken revelries below.

    After the voyage on the Edward in 1834, Joseph Steret made three further voyages to Port Jackson and Hobart.


    The medical journal from the Edward 1834.

    National Archives UK; ADM 101/22/8 No 37,


    Mary Creed; Conduct record, 40/1/1 page 137

    Martha Brookes; Conduct record 40 /1/1 page 150


  • Robert Espie (Lord Sidmouth 1823) Open or Close

    Robert Espie

    1. c1790 Derry, Northern Ireland, d 1870

    Robert Espie was Surgeon Superintendent on convict ships

    Morley 1817 (175 males to Sydney)

    Shipley 1818 (150 males to Sydney, 4 deaths)

    Dorothy 1820 (190 males to Sydney)

    Lord Sidmouth 1823 (97 females to Hobart and Sydney, 1 death)

    Lady Rowena 1826 (100 females to Sydney)

    Mary 1830 (168 males to Hobart, 1 death)

    Roslin Castle 1834 (230 males to Sydney, 3 deaths)

    Elizabeth 1836 (161 females to Sydney)


    723 males - 8 deaths  358 females - 1 death


    The Rules Hung Up in the Prison

    A copy of the Rules and Regulations to be observed on Board the Lord Sidmouth Convict Ship during her voyage (to) New South Wales – which was hung up in the prison.


    The Surgeon & Superintendent being strictly enjoined to prevent all unlawful intercourse between the sailors and the women, he will punish most severely every appearance of intimacy or advances towards it.-


    Any woman who shall be guilty of swearing or any expression of an indecent or immoral tendency (shall) be punished by solitary confinement and put on a bread and water ’till she shall appear to have mended her conduct.-


    Cleanliness being essentially necessary for the health and comfort both of the Convicts- and passengers it is particularly order’d that the persons occupying each Bedcabin or Birthplace shall make or fold up their Bed Blanket and pillow in a tight Roll with three cords ready for being stow’d upon Deck and that they will then make their positions of sleeping places and the Deck as clean as shall be judged necessary by the Surgeon & Supt. who will inspect them every morning before Breakfast. Any deviation from this will meet the severest punishment.-


    Any person disturbing the peace and comfort of the rest either by sitting up late or being up unnecessarily at night shall be curtail’d of all indulgence during the passage and on arriving at N. So Wales shall be reported as troublesome characters to the Governor.-


    Any person found thieving from others shall be made a severe example of by putting them in solitary confinement on Bread and water and stopping all indulgence until evident signs of Reform take place.-


    That the prisons shall be convinced they have the due proportion of the Victuals allow’d them by Government - it is the Surgeon and Supts. directions that two women shall attend alternately to the issuing of the provisions and that this may not be dispensed with.-


    The Surgeon being anxious to establish a system of good order and industry at the period of the home embarkation thinks it is necessary to say that all complaints and grievances are to be represented to him only, and that in order they may appear clean and decent they shall be allowed two washing days every week Vigt: Tuesday and Friday, but it is of the same strictly forbid they should make any waste of the fresh water.



    Lord Sidmouth,

    11 September 1822 – 27 February 1823


    I cannot but express my great joy at having got rid of so troublesome a charge.

    Robert Espie had the rules to be observed during the voyage hung up in the prison and his journal showed that he applied the rules to all on board the Lord Sidmouth.   He entered the Navy List of medical officers in 1814, obtained seniority in February 1815 and, by 1823 had experience as a surgeon on four convict transport ships taking male convicts to Sydney.  As surgeon superintendent on the Lord Sidmouth he was in charge of 97 female convicts and 23 of their children; 50 of the women were destined for Hobart and 47 to Sydney.  There were also 21 free women passengers and 49 of their children. On the day before sailing Rev. Mr Henry Williams of the Church Missionary Society boarded with his wife and three children.  Robert Espie served on four more ships to Sydney and Hobart so his career as Royal Naval surgeon aboard convict transport ships spanned nearly twenty years.

    The medical journal from the Lord Sidmouth is an account of the happenings aboard ship as well as noting the illnesses and treatment. Robert Espie recorded much about daily life, the problems and mishaps, the frustrations, the regulations that were broken and the offences and punishments. The entries began while the ship was at Woolwich and he wrote that the women appeared healthy and robust as they arrived from various jails. He said they were tractable and kindly to each as they embarked and settled aboard ship and were organized as best he could devise for their health and comfort. Once the mess groups were sorted they were issued their bedding and showed, “most strictly” how to scrub and clean every part of the prison.  Superfluous baggage belonging to the prisoners and the free passengers were stowed in the hold.  

    Mrs Pryor and Mrs Coventry, Christian ladies, visited on six occasions during the three weeks at Woolwich as the women embarked. Mrs Pryor spoke to the women and distributed useful articles of haberdashery. On some visits she gave aprons and items for patchwork to those who had just arrived and offered “a great deal of good advice”. Before the ship sailed, the ladies, accompanied by two gentlemen from the Missionary Society, boarded for a final visit and handed out bibles.  Mrs Pryor read an address, which Robert Espie said was extremely appropriate and affecting, and took leave of the women in a most kindly manner.

    Robert Espie clearly set out the order which he planned to follow during the journey. Cleanliness, scrubbing the decks and stowing bedding was a daily ritual and he remarked on it each day and, with the few exceptions of rough weather, he was pleased with the arrangements. When he instructed the women in their duties he found that they were expert at cleaning. He also said that it was unusual for the ship to have scupper holes on the lower deck but it enabled the deck to be washed as it was done on a man-of-war. The women were mustered on Sundays and Christmas Day for divine service and in several entries, Robert Espie said they were clean and comfortable. On one occasion he mustered them in their messes and found them “exceedingly clean and orderly”. Even towards the end of the voyage he mentioned that cleanliness and good order were carried on “as usual”.  Hot weather as the ship progressed towards the south made the prison uncomfortably hot and Robert Espie had awnings spread on the main deck and kept the women up all day.

    Sea sickness struck as soon as the ship moved along the Thames and even while at anchor at Margate all the women were ill.  Within days the weather became rough and most of the women were excessively seasick. It kept up and many became dispirited.  Throughout the voyage sea sickness and nausea affected some whenever the weather caused the ship’s motion to be excessive. Robert Espie thought the women should be kept occupied and distributed the patchwork left in his charge and in one entry mentioned that they worked at their quilts. The children had schooling supervised by the clergyman and two free women passengers.  According to the journal schooling went on regularly and was attended even by some of the women. An “intelligent prisoner woman” assisted the clergyman. In one entry Robert Espie wrote, “I find that there is no method so effective as keeping them on deck and employed as they seem to have a natural propensity for lolling about.”

    Robert Espie’s rules outlined the responsibilities and the consequences for infringements as well as the rights to which the women were entitled and the means for them to complain. He adhered to the regulations closely and throughout his journal described enforcement of the rules by all on board, not only by the women prisoners but, the master and the sailors also.   Rule number one was that there should be ‘no unlawful intercourse between the sailors and the women’ and it was broken even before the ship sailed. “The situation of a Surgeon Superintendent of a woman Convict Ship if he does his duty can be no sinecure as they constantly require to be looked after and particularly to restrain them from contact with the sailors – this can only be done by beginning well at first and checking all appearance of intimacy before the Ship leaves England directing the Master to discharge any sailor who may shew a disposition this way which I did in two or 3 instances, to his no small annoyance”. Robert Espie upheld the regulation and two or three sailors were dismissed. The master of the ship, James Ferrier, was not at all pleased. It was not to be his only conflict with Robert Espie.

    Although the women were said to be orderly as they boarded, not all kept up the good behaviour and some soon became obstreperous.  While the ship was still at Woolwich, Robert Espie had occasion to bring out the handcuffs. One woman was accused of violent and abusive conduct in the prison after dark and another of violent and abusive language.  Each was handcuffed for a day. One of them, Sarah Bolland, was released after promising to be better behaved but it was a promise she did not keep as she had two further periods of confinements. Robert Espie described her as an abandoned character.

    Twenty women’s names were mentioned in accounts of punishments and four women lost their wine allowance following an incident of poor behaviour.  Trouble after the prison doors were locked at dark merited punishment. Violent and abusive conduct, fighting, disturbing the peace or being disorderly towards messmates resulted in being handcuffed or put into solitary confinement in the coal hole. The penalties were sometimes applied for the eight hours of daylight but more often for a twenty-four-hour period.  At least ten women spent time in the coal hole. Two women, who spent twenty-four hours cuffed together in the coal hole because of riotous behaviour, were released but returned for another twenty-four hours after they said they did not value Robert Espie and used many “hard words of indecorous meaning”. A serious charge of abusive and mutinous conduct also earned two women twenty-four hours handcuffed together, side by side, in the coal hole. Perhaps there was only one set of handcuffs or Robert Espie let them have a free arm for balance.

    Six women had their heads shaved; a loathed punishment. Theft immediately resulted in that sentence and four women were so proved guilty; one of whom had acted a servant to the clergyman. Two women behaved boisterously and outrageously one afternoon while the ship as at anchor in Rio Harbor.  Robert Espie said they were incorrigible and ordered their heads to be shaved as it was the only punishment which they seemed to regard.

    The ship was in Rio for two weeks while water was loaded; a task Robert Espie stated was tedious, expensive and laborious. But that was not the only problem in Rio Janeiro. Robert Espie strictly enforced the rules of behaviour and punished the offenders regularly but he also protected the rights of the women. Several went to him and complained that they had not received their usual allowance of provisions. He investigated and found that it was “entirely owing to the villainy of the ship’s steward” and wanted him dismissed.  That was a position that the ship’s master did not agree with and refused. Robert Espie prevented the ship from sailing until he had redress for the “ill conduct of the steward”. The standoff continued for nearly three days before the master reluctantly dismissed the steward and the ship proceeded out to sea.

    The Rev. Henry Williams, who became a well-known figure as leader of the Church Missionary Society in New Zealand, organized the schooling aboard ship and conducted divine service on Sundays.  Robert Espie usually referred to him as “the missionary” or “the clergyman” but one remark summed up his feelings about the man.  After divine service one Sunday, Robert Espie wrote- “the Methodist tears up preaching by the roots”. Rev. Williams had a forceful, energetic personality and preached to his congregation of prisoners who reacted by singing bawdy songs. Rev. Williams wanted it stopped and the master of the ship was not in favour so the task fell to Robert Espie.  The penalty of losing half their wine allowance after bad behaviour one Sunday was surely linked to that singing.

    The voyage was a long one but there was only one death among the convict women. Fifty-year-old, Mary McGowan, died from dysentery. She started treatment but then refused to take the mercurial medicines Robert Espie prescribed for her.  Mercury was the treatment given to patients suffering from venereal disease and Mary McGowan thought that she was falsely regarded as having that complaint and had been trapped into taking the medicines. Her mouth became very sore from the mercury and she made her feelings known. “This woman who was a most abandoned character attacked me today in the most violent manner regarding the soreness of her mouth and accused me of having beguiled her into it, with many hard sayings and vile epithets not fit to repeat and in fine protested she would not under any terms take any thing again in the shape of physic”. Robert Espie said her obstinacy resulted in her death. “neither entreaty nor force could prevail on this wretch to take anything in the shape of physic”.

    There was another tragic death during the voyage.  One Sunday evening three days before Christmas, the children were playing on deck when ten-year-old Robert Borsch fell overboard.  Although others were about, the incident was not discovered for twenty minutes and the boy was never sighted again.

    Despite the voyage being so long, Robert Espie managed the health of the women well. Seasickness caused difficulties and bowel problems were treated with purgatives.  The lancet and blistering were used often and patients given sago and wine. Several entries mentioned that patients had Donkins Preserved Meat. Food preserved in cans was a recent innovation by Bryan Donkins who had set up a preserving company. Robert Espie made good use the product to provide more nutritious food to help his patients regain their strength.

    Throughout the journal the instances of offense and punishments were numerous but fell within the rights of a surgeon to discipline those he had in his charge. But Robert Espie was unhappy when the boatswain struck one woman because she was insolent.  He said the “unfortunate creature” did not possess her right faculties and took care to prevent the recurrence of any similar incidents.

    Those mentioned as free women passengers were the wives of convicts who were re-joining their husbands. One was the mother of twin girls, aged about eighteen months.  The children had been born in the workhouse and Robert Espie said they were starved and weighed only about 15 pounds.  Although they could speak and even displayed curiosity, they did not survive the voyage. Their mother tried to keep breast feeding despite entries to wean them. She was in poor health and barely survived herself.   On arrival in Hobart several of the free women were met by their husbands when the ship docked and within a week all of those destined for Hobart were re-united with their husbands.

    Robert Espie continued on the voyage to Sydney with 47 women convicts.  His final journal entry at Sydney Cove

    “I cannot but express my great joy at having got rid of so troublesome a charge”.

    No doubt the number of resistant and rowdy women who caused problems on the prison deck was high and made Robert Espie’s task of orderly routine difficult to enforce.  However, conflict with the ship’s master and engaging with a forceful religious personality on board could only have added to his angst at times. Rows over the dismissal of the ship’s steward and stopping the obscene ditties which offended Mr Williams and his family made for strained relations even among those on the upper decks.



    Rev. Henry Williams

    By Unknown - Alexander Turnbull Library; picture ref: 1/2-052461, Public Domain.


    Another account of the voyage was given in the writings of Marianne Williams, the wife of the clergyman.  She found the convicts quarters to be wretched and said conditions on board were made more uncomfortable by a plague of cockroaches and told of being becalmed for three weeks just north of the equator.  She also regarded the schooling as unsuccessful but wrote that it helped with maintaining order. Her husband, Henry Williams, intervened to settle a dispute between the ship’s master and Robert Espie. Perhaps it was at the time of the standoff in Rio Harbour.

    Robert Espie’s feelings about his experience as surgeon on female convict transports could be summed up in his words in the incomplete journal from his voyage on the Elizabeth to Sydney 1836.   He called himself a “fine dolthead” to get appointed to a women’s ship’.  He was nearly stabbed before the Elizabeth left Woolwich and felt he did not succeed in managing the women aboard to his satisfaction. He said he had strong prejudice against corporal punishment but used a good stout piece of rope to whip the women as other methods such as confinement and cutting their hair proved too lenient. He whipped them “soundly” over the arms, legs and back (whatever the saints may think), till he conquered every refractory spirit among them.

    Surgeons were paid passage money to return to England after their voyages to the colonies. After the voyage on the Shipley in 1818 Robert Espie returned to England aboard it accompanied by six other surgeons. No doubt many tales were told during their days at sea.

                When Robert Espie sailed to Van Diemen’s Land on the Dorothy in 1820 his brother, George, was also on board.  After reaching Hobart, Robert Espie was appointed acting surgeon at Port Dalrymple but within a few months resigned due to ill health and returned to England aboard the Guilford with his brother. He married Janet Jerman in 1828.  However, George Espie returned to Hobart and applied for land and was at times in business with Robert who also established a property in the New Town area after his last voyage in 1836 but again it was sold.  In 1854, Robert and Janet Espie applied for a further grant of land. But Janet Espie died in England that same year.

    Robert Espie was living in England at the time of the 1861 census.



    Medical Journal from the Lord Sidmouth, National Archives UK ADM 101/44/10

    Medical Journal from the Elizabeth, National Archives UK ADM 101


  • Charles Cameron (Midas 1825) Open or Close

    Charles Cameron

    a. 1790 d 1837

    Midas 1825

    London to Hobart Town & Port Jackson

    109 female convicts (1 died)

    Princess Charlotte 1827

    Woolwich to Port Jackson

    90 female convicts (1 died)

    Ferguson 1829

    Dublin to Port Jackson

    216 male convicts (2 died)

    David Lyon 1830

    Sheerness to Hobart Town

    220 male convicts (3 died)


    The Voyage of the Midas 1825


    It is not in our power to speak too highly for his praiseworthy kindness and fatherly goodness to us, and still, what makes it appear more pleasing, in extreme need, and at the time they were most wanting


    A letter from Charles Cameron to a friend published in the Morning Post.

    "After we left the River in the Midas, with the exception of having a good deal of sickness on board, everything, as far as the convicts were concerned, went on in such a pleasant manner that I am now almost astonished when I reflect upon it. Even the very worst of them, and those who behaved very ill, when they first came on board, afterwards conducted themselves in the very best manner. Whatever the opinion of the world may be, and however depraved those unfortunate women may be considered, the seed of virtue is not altogether dead in them, neither are they wholly insensible to kindness. They are more highly sensible of, and more grateful for, any act of kindness than mankind generally

    supposes, and particularly more so than many who are placed in more fortunate circumstances. I am also convinced, that if they were treated less harshly by those who have got authority over them, than they generally are, many more of them would return to the paths of virtue and become good members of society. They were treated by every person on board the Midas with the utmost kindness and attention to their comforts, and they repaid that attention by their grateful demeanour and general good conduct; not one disagreeable circumstance occurred during the whole passage, as far as the female convicts were concerned, and they were landed at New South Wales with the very best characters. I must acknowledge that I had every assistance from Captain Baigrie. With respect to the board's letter, granting gratuity to the mates in case of good conduct, I consider it to be a measure of great importance, and that it will frequently, if continued, be attended with the best effects, because it shews them the determination of the Navy Board to put a stop to all irregularity on board these ships. The conduct of the female convicts was high praiseworthy.

    The Morning Post 16 October 1826



    Charles Cameron was appointed surgeon superintendent on the Midas in 1825; he had been on the Navy list since 1816.  The Midas was his first appointment in charge of prisoners being transported to Australia and he made a further three voyages to Port Jackson and Hobart Town.  After the voyage on the Midas he wrote to a friend and included some words about his philosophy of the treatment of prisoners, saying (inter alia): ‘I am also convinced, that if they were treated less harshly by those who have got authority over them, than they generally are, many more of them would return to the paths of virtue and become good members of society.’  The journal has many insights into daily life aboard ship and reveals his dedication and compassion.

    The Midas, 420 tons, was built in Hull in 1809 and, the voyage between Woolwich, Hobart Town and Port Jackson took 146 days. There were 109 women prisoners on board with one death from among them and one of their children. There were also free passengers on board and some were women granted passage to join their convict husbands; one free woman’s child died. 

    At Woolwich there were bowel complaints noted in the surgeon’s journal. The change in diet and less opportunity to exercise caused stomach pains, headaches and purging or constipation. In some instances, being sent from jails in crowded conveyances, caused or worsened illnesses.  However, Charles Cameron considered most illnesses were slight and such patients did not need to be moved to hospital. The women were on board for nearly three weeks before the ship left port and once out of the Channel sea sickness severely affected two thirds of them. Throughout the voyage there was misery caused by sea sickness and the physical complications which resulted from constant vomiting.  A similar story could be told of any passengers who made long sea voyages.

    Charles Cameron called as many of the women together as he could, “to put them on their guard against allowing their bowels to become constipated.”  Strong winds blew unabated as the ship crossed the Bay of Biscay and the women became, “more sick if possible than before.” They were given purgatives to avoid their bowels becoming costive, although, much of it was immediately vomited. For some patients, enemas were administered, their stomachs rubbed with liniment and hot fomentations applied.  Several women were so severely affected that they had to be admitted into the hospital.  As the ship passed Teneriffe strong gales and a heavy sea confined many more to bed with sea sickness. Charles Cameron said it was “distressing to see them,” and if it was possible he would have requested the ship go into Teneriffe for a few days respite.

    Heading towards the Cape De Verde Islands the weather became warmer and the women were generally much better except for several who continued to be constipated.  By the time the ship reached St Jago (Santiago) their health had improved and they were able to go up on deck for most of the afternoon.   However, during the week the ship was anchored in port, the hot and sultry weather caused feverish illnesses. Back at sea, the humidity was less oppressive and the fever and bilious patients had laxatives, mercury and rhubarb to counteract their symptoms and they favoured gruel for nourishment. Over the next few weeks, the humid weather aggravated conditions and some women became extremely ill but whenever there was a change to light winds and squally rain there was great relief.  By the sixth week of the journey, sea sickness had nearly disappeared although strong gales made it very uncomfortable, especially when the portholes were shut.

    Charles Cameron was feeling under pressure and fatigued by the many demands placed upon him and he wrote: “The Females themselves render me every assistance; They go about everything which I wish them to do, in the most willing manner; even they are respectable forward in offering their services. and so general is the feeling among them that a loud word is not to be heard in the Prison; for fear of disturbing the Sick in Hospital. Captain Baigre gives me, also every assistance in his power, - Yet together with all this, and the utmost exertions on my part, Fatigued in Body and harassed in mind, I get on but very badly. During the last week, I have not been able to give an account of the progress of the difficult Cases; and yesterday I could not find time for a moment to state even one case. Very few Cases of Fever have come forward, however, lately; and I am in hopes, as the weather is now more cool. and the sky has latterly been cloudy, it has attained its height.”

    Fevers became troublesome and Charles Cameron observed that they were sometimes accompanied with hepatic disease and he treated these patients by copious bleedings; an entry in the journal mentioned that some women sought blood-letting treatment for severe headache, more often than was needed. Perhaps his kind attention and willing ear to hear of their problems opened opportunities for medical attention not usually available to them.

    It was from Charles Cameron’s case notes of the seriously ill patients that the characters of the women are brought to life.  They not only gave his medical assessment but also his opinion and the interaction between them, often revealing his inner musings or his doubts about the case.

    Thirty-five- year- old Mary Ann Wilson, who first entered the medical notes at St Jago, was tried at the Old Bailey for breaking and entering and stealing four handkerchiefs valued at ten shillings. She was sentenced to death but it was commuted to transportation. She was severely sea sick but would only take medicine that she chose and not what Charles Cameron prescribed.  He stated: “Is insane in many of her ideas, and foolish almost in all. has lived as far from the other women as she possibly could, since she has been on Board, apparently from a suspicious temper….. Indeed I cannot get to take but such medicine as she herself chooses, since she has been in the Hospital. Her choice being always regulated by Caprice; and I have had much difficulty in making her stay in the Hospital.”

    Mary Ann Wilson continued as “capricious as ever” and refused to be confined to bed and would only lie on the boards. She was fussy about how water was handed to her, taking it only from particular people and in a particular manner. She eventually only drank water from the captain’s supply.

    A situation where Charles Cameron found himself out of her favour had to do with raspberry jam.” I have got myself wholly out of her favour, for last evening she took a fancy to some Raspberry Jam which I had got for one of the Children, and asked for some of it, which I rashly promised to send her. On applying to the Steward I found it had been all used; she would however take no substitute; nor will she forgive me. All this day she will not speak one word to me. I am therefore under the necessity of guessing at her complaints.” Mary Ann Wilson recovered and was landed safely at Port Jackson.

    Twenty-one-year-old Mary Tapper was convicted of arson for setting fire to a stable and cow house and sentenced to death. That was also commuted to transportation for life.  Her illness began with similar symptoms as others on board with fever, abdominal pain and constipation. Charles Cameron said she appeared despondent but would not disclose her feelings. She remained in hospital throughout much of the voyage and her complaints were compounded by a pain in her left side which extended up through her shoulder and accompanied by severe headache. She was given purgatives and one day, apparently feeling much better, she went up on deck in good spirits.  However, shortly afterwards there was stomach pain developed and she was given wine but became giddy and was taken below.  Charles Cameron found her “comatose, with stertuous breathing and evident violent determination of blood to the head.” He opened an artery and obtained blood to the extent that she had an epileptic fit and was convulsed with intervals of insensibility.  When she became settled she told him that she had several such fits in prison, one of which lasted for fourteen hours.  A few hours later the violent fits returned and Charles Cameron cupped her temples but with little success. He administered an enema and applied poultice-like dressings for her feet and pit of stomach. Ether and spirit of wine were rubbed into her temples and applied to her nostrils as well as, “many other things which the most anxious solicitude could think of”.  

    Mary said that she was first afflicted with fits three years before after being frightened by a person acting as a ghost in the night. She also said that she suffered much during menstruation and her old master had given her a drug procured from a farrier to cause abortion. It had a recurring effect of pain in her loins and abdomen.

    There were days when her body was calm but the seizures returned at intervals and at times she became comatose.  Her headache and pain in the loins and abdomen continued.  After one fit a seton stich was put in the back of her neck and camphor rub applied to her loins and abdomen.  Antispasmodics of opium, asafoetida and henbane were tried but had no effect nor was any relief obtained in the usual time from repeated doses of digitalis and opium.  She was put on a very low diet of tea or coffee without any bread in the morning and evening and a pint of gruel at noon.

    Charles Cameron said that quarrels brought on hysterical fits among some of the women and he used bloodletting and opiates to alleviate their distress. One evening during a very heavy gale the women became “dreadfully alarmed” and although he tried to convince them that there was not the smallest danger, several went into fits. He was sorry to say Mary Tapper was among the number.

    In between these sad lines recounting her illness Charles Cameron said that Mary Tapper quickly regained her high spirits whenever she felt better; a point he mentioned several times and he seemed to enjoy her humour.  He wrote, “It is to me, matter of great surprise, that, notwithstanding her long, and severe sickness, the immense quantity of Blood she has lost, and the spare diet on which she has always existed, she is still one of the stoutest Females in the Ship and fully as much so as when she first came on Board. In general, too, she is cheerful and disposed to laugh with those who are merry.”

    Mary Tapper continued ill with headache and pain in the stomach and loins. She was given digitalis which eased her suffering but after another outing to the deck her symptoms returned. At the end of one journal entry, Charles Cameron said he did not know what to do and repeated the dose of digitalis without relief. The final report of Mary Tapper was about her improving health. She died in the Hobart Hospital three years after arriving and in all probability for much of that time she was ill.

    There was one death from among the women prisoners; Mary Neale, forty-three years old and mother of a large family.  She had been sentenced to death, along with her twenty-one-year-old daughter, Susan, and eighteen-year-old son, William, for putting poison into the food of the man who was William’s master. Their sentences were commuted but Mary Neale and her son, William, were transported.  On his convict record William said that he put the poison into the food because he was treated badly by his master and his mother knew nothing at all about it.

    Mary Neale’s constitution was debilitated and after a few weeks at sea she had a bout of purging and became very emaciated.  Charles Cameron said she was very depressed in spirits and he prescribed mercury with a slight purgative and ordered a nourishing diet and a little wine.  Her appetite was surprisingly good taking five pints of thick gruel and sago each day and she said her weakness was because of want of porter to which she had been accustomed all her life.  Charles Cameron arranged for a glass of porter to be sent every day from the Cabin’s Table and found Mary would fret if it arrived later than usual and returned to good humour as soon as she had it.   A woman was appointed to attend to putting a little wine into everything except her soup. “She has every attendance, and attention paid to her comfort, and has everything she wishes for from the Cabin Table. (I have always approved of what she has asked for) Today she had at dinner some Roasted Turkey, and a little Porter, which she relished very much, and she is of a very grateful disposition.”

    Despite a hearty appetite, within a few weeks her coughing indicated tuberculosis and her health was failing.  As her condition worsened the skin over the sacrum broke and dressings were applied to give comfort.  She was placed in a cot with a pillow to prevent pressure on the ulcerated part and one woman was appointed to expressly look after her. “The woman who attends upon her is very kind and very attentive to her, and gives her everything required or directed, at all times day or night.”

    Mary became very weak. She had very little cough or pain her, a pulse that was barely perceptible but she was aware that she could not live and asked Charles Cameron to read to her, which he did.  Near to death she asked if she could be taken to “Sidney where her son was going”.  She died on 5 October and her funeral was described in a letter written by the women from the Midas. “The woman that died was buried at sea; we were all present at the funeral, and the burial service was performed most solemnly by the Surgeon and the Captain took the part of chief mourner, and the whole ceremony was very solemn. We have had divine service regular; the Captain and Officers, us, and the free passengers, all attend.”  

    Although Charles Cameron praised the behaviour of the women, some of his patients were difficult or demanding. Mary Ann Smith, the first patient in the journal, presented at Woolwich complaining of stomach pain with frequent vomiting, purging, and a severe headache particularly around the left ear, which had suppurated previously.  The purging and vomiting continued for some time. Mr Beals, the surgeon from her prison, visited and advised Charles Cameron to give her a chalk mixture which he had used to treat her previously.   “Is rather better today but no particular change in her complaints otherwise. Yesterday evening Mr Beals Surgeon of the Institia, under whose care, I had understood from herself, she has formerly been for some time with the same complaint, did me the favour to visit her; and He suggested to me the propriety of using Mistura Cretæ which, He formerly found beneficial in her case. I instantly, willingly, complied with His suggestion and she has taken it today every four hours.”

    As the days passed Charles Cameron seemed dubious, stating that she, “does not appear to be much purged, although she states the contrary.”   One of the last entries about Mary Ann Smith noted that her purging and vomiting had gone but she had a severe headache and in brackets he added (for she must have some complaint).

    Another contrary patient, Mary Dowling, thirty-three, transported for seven years for obtaining money by false pretences, presented with headache, pain and constipation. Charles Cameron ordered an enema of warm salted water which afforded some relief but she then developed “a stitch” in the pit of her stomach.  He thought she had a sour ill-natured disposition and was “disposed to ascribe” her own treatment.   She said she had a “shocking severe pain” in the stomach so a blister was applied and calomel and rhubarb given as laxatives. The blister brought additional pain to every part of her body and she was exceedingly discontented and ill-natured and nothing would please her. “Complains very hard that I will ‘not allow her wine’, when I know that she is a poor dying woman.-. I have endeavoured to do everything I could to please this woman; in one respect I cannot satisfy her- there is no water in the Ship good enough for her.” Mary did recover but perhaps her discontent and ill-nature were worsened by leaving her only child in England.  

    Elizabeth Wimbridge, twenty-five, was sentenced to 14 years transportation for burglary and was another patient who made ample use of Charles Cameron’s medical services.  She was not in good health and had a large scrophulus tumor on the left side of her neck which he blistered.  She also suffered from fever and bowel problems so small blisters and liniments were applied and medication was given to reduce fever. Her case notes stated that she had twenty different complaints a day although seldom more than one at a time but was “never without one.” 

    Charles Cameron found infant, William Wood, in a feverish state having taken ill eight days previously and considered him to be in a very dangerous state:  “I was told that the mother did not pay her two children the attention which she ought, and an Instance came before myself this afternoon which seemed to corroborate this, in Her giving the children’s allowance of water for the purpose of washing her clothes; I therefore directed one of the women in the Hospital to look after the children (privately after lecturing the mother on the impropriety of her conduct).”  William was prescribed a little magnesia, given a small dose of Castor Oil and was put into a warm bath twice a day. The upper part of his head was shaved and a large blister applied.  Every attention was paid to ensure that he had a regular nourishing diet with a small portion of port wine and “some Raspberry Jam for his mouth”.  Although Charles Cameron did not have much hope for William Wood’s survival he recovered and was landed safely.

    It was a different story about the behaviour of other caring mothers on board.   One removed the blister from her child to ease its suffering and others refused medication prescribed for their children. In his general remarks Charles Cameron wrote, “I was thwarted completely in my wishes respecting their treatment by the over tenderness and foolishness of their mothers.”

    By mid-voyage, the number of women who endured sea sickness, fevers and bowel complaints was widespread and some of the problems were serious; epileptic and hysterical fits were common.  There were disagreements between some of the women, Mrs Atkins, a free woman, and ill with headache and abdominal pain, was aggrieved by one such incident, “She is very low spirited and thinks she cannot live.  Her complaint I have no doubt has arisen from violent mental agitation, occasioned by some reflections on her conduct by Mrs Davis, a passenger in the free women’s prison; and who also put herself into such passion as to require copious venaesection, and who is yet in a precarious state of health.”  Mrs Davis was one of the worst cases of hysteria along with Mrs Petit a free passenger and Letitia Picker a convict woman, all of whom were nearly approaching to epilepsy.  Charles Cameron used copious bloodletting together with purgatives and antispasmodics to help relieve their distress.

    He had many calls on his assistance and was in the prison from six in the morning until one or two o’clock in the morning.  “The lancet is almost in my hand one third of the day, and sometimes it is not easy for me to convince them that they do not require to be bled. The Females who are well however are exceedingly attentive to the sick, and render me every assistance, indeed it would be impossible for me to give a sufficiently Strong Idea of their very praiseworthy conduct in that Respect. They are also highly grateful for all the attention which is paid them on my part. and perhaps for that very reason I exert myself to the utmost, till I am nearly exhausted to be of service to them.”

    It was a long journey and four weeks before arrival in Hobart health problems increased with the onset of scurvy. Charles Cameron wrote,” the number that I have altogether to attend” to “is distressing”. “The scene of Sickness I have to pass through from morning till near or past midnight, is as much as I am able to bear up against.”  His patients had spongy and sometimes bleeding gums.  He issued lemon juice and nitrate which he said had excellent effects in removing the symptoms within a few days.  He later published a book on the success of his treatment of scurvy aboard the convict transport ship, the Ferguson 1829.

    A letter was received by the British Society of Ladies for the Reformation of Female Prisoners.  It was written by a convict woman from the Midas on behalf of the women prisoners who disembarked at their final destination in Sydney. They were very grateful for the kindness and care they received, before and during the voyage. They thanked the Christian ladies, who visited them prior to sailing, for their kind words and the black caps which they handed out.   They were effusive in their praise for the surgeon and said he had been a great friend to them and called on God to bless him.  They mentioned his efforts for them while at St Jago in the Cape de Verde islands.

    “Our Surgeon went on shore and bought fruit, such as the isles produced; oranges, lemons and plantains and had the goodness to give to each mess at different times, an equal complement, and to be distributed to each woman equally. It is not in our power to speak too highly for his praiseworthy kindness and fatherly goodness to us, and still, what makes it appear more most wanting.”

    The women recognized Charles Cameron’s dedication and hard work and the attention he gave to each and every one of them.  Such kindness perhaps was not often shown to them by those in authority. “We almost despaired our surgeon could ever have stood it, and had not the Almighty been on our side, he never could; there never could be a Gentleman so constantly attentive to unfortunate women; he was for ever below in the hospital with the poor sick - and never appeared satisfied but when discharging his duty. We can never be thankful enough.”

    Charles Cameron believed that by showing the women prisoners kindness and treating them respectfully would bring out the best in their characters. He saw his philosophy bear fruit. “Even the very worst of them, and those who behaved very ill, when they first came on board, afterwards conducted themselves in the very best manner.”  

    He published a book in 1832 on, his New Theory of the Influence of Variety in Diet and Health and Disease.    

    “The author is evidently a gentleman of observation and original mind. We like his motte, that of his native country, Nemo me impune lacessit. There is a bold independent tone evinced in this work, which proves the author to be on who thinks for himself.”

    The London Surgical and Medical Journal 1832


    The women on the Midas found their own touch of gold in their surgeon Charles Cameron.   He died at the Royal Naval Hospital, Haslar, Hampshire in 1837. He was 47 years old.


    Morning Post 26 October 1826

    The following letter has been lately received by one of the members of the British Society of Ladies for the reformation of female prisoners, from the female convicts who sailed on board the ship Midas, under the care of Mr Charles Cameron, Surgeon R.N. and in confirmation of the truth of their statements, it is accompanied by extracts from the letter in which it was enclosed from the surgeon to the Captain Y…. R.N,. also by another from the same gentleman to one of his friends in London.


    Sydney, on board the ship Midas,

    Dec 16 1825

     A letter of Sincere Thanks From The Unfortunate Female Convicts On Board The Midas, Captain James Baigrie, To The Ladies In London.

    Worthy Madam, - Permit us to indulge a hope you will pardon the liberty we have taken by this. I most willingly set down to comply with the request of all my fellow sufferers to acknowledge our most grateful thanks to you, likewise to those ladies who took part in the kind and Christian charities we received at your hands, before we sailed from Woolwich. Madam, we have never lost sight of the most kind and friendly advice you were pleased to give us on your different visits, and particularly on the last that we had the happiness of seeing you. We therefore beg leave that you will accept of our sincere thanks. It shall be our constant endeavour that our future conduct and behaviour shall prove our respect and gratitude; we shall continually pray for you, and may the Almighty pour his blessing on you, and that is the earnest prayers of us unfortunate women, who feel a heartfelt sorrow for those past misdeeds.

    We shall conclude, and with all due defence, shall beg lave to subscribe ourselves, Madam.

    Madam, we hope that we do not too much trespass on your time. There has been a great deal of sickness in the ship; thank God we have lost but one woman and one child. We expected at one time to have lost a great number. We almost despaired our surgeon could ever have stood it, and had not the Almighty been on our side, he never could; there never could be a Gentleman so constantly attentive to unfortunate women; he was for ever below in the hospital with the poor sick - and never appeared satisfied but when discharging his duty. We can never be thankful enough. We have had two women delivered of two fine boys, Lydia Moffat and a Mary Snooks; the children were baptised by the surgeon and the women churched by him also. The woman that died was buried at sea; we were all present at the funeral, and the burial service was performed most solemnly by the Surgeon and the Captain took the part of chief mourner, and the whole ceremony was very solemn. We have had divine service regular; the Captain and Officers, us, and the free passengers, all attend.

    We have had great indulgence and good examples set forth by the above Gentlemen. 

    We arrived at Van Diemen's land three weeks ago and there we left fifty of our women and eleven that were from Newgate; and happy to say Madam, that by the good character our Surgeon was enabled to give of them, that the greater part of them was provided for when we left. We expect to land in a day or two, and we hope that the Almighty will be our guide and keep us from every temptation. We are quite sure our Surgeon will do all that lays in his power for us. If there should be any of our fellow sufferers that should be about to leave England, we strongly recommend them to behave well while in prison, so that they may have a good character from the prison; but to be particularly careful after they come on board, for if their Surgeon cannot give them a good character, it will be greatly to be lamented. We all hope that they whom you may please, Madam, to read this letter to, will impress it on their minds, and it will be for their good; and I hope that they may meet with the same good treatment that we have. The Captain has been very kind, and the Officer likewise, also the seamen who sailed from Woolwich. On Saturday the 23rd July, Mr. Cane, the owner of this ship, honoured us with his company until Sunday, when he took his leave of us all at Margaret, and recommended us to the protection of the Almighty. The bearer of this letter will be, we expect Mr. Cameron, our worthy Surgeon, as we mean to ask him the favour, and God grant him a safe passage to England and a happy return to his family.

    Madam, we are about to beg a great favour of you and the ladies, and that is if the expense should not be too great, and should meet with your approbation, to allow this letter to go to the press, as we have disconsolate friends living in different parts of England and as it would be

    Your very much obliged, humble servants: Ann Unwin, Mary Jones, Sophia Davis, Mary Bullingham, Ann White, Mary Dale, Ann Cross, Mary Montague, Mary Snooks, Margaret Burt, Ann Colston, Mary Weaver. "Our duty to all the ladies; we hope they are all well. We are all well. We cannot, Madam, inform you in what manner we shall be disposed of. Our surgeon has been a great friend to us. May the Almighty bless him! We beg permission to give you a short account of our voyage - We arrived at Sydney this morning, after a troublesome voyage. It would be a gross mistake to omit mentioning the charitable gifts that you had the goodness to leave with Mr. Cameron, our Surgeon, who had the goodness to distribute to us in proper time. Our patchwork kept us employed some time.

    Our black caps and aprons, we found them very convenient, and every other gift very useful, and shall for ever be most thankfully remembered by us. We put into a small isle three weeks after we left England, and there we had a fresh supply of water and fresh beef. Our Surgeon went on shore and bought fruit, such as the isles produced; oranges, lemons and plantains and had the goodness to give to each mess at different times, an equal complement, and to be distributed to each woman equally. It is not in our power to speak too highly for his praiseworthy kindness and fatherly goodness to us, and still, what makes it appear more pleasing, in extreme need, and at the time they were most wanting. 

    likely this would meet the eye of some of them and give them great satisfaction. We beg pardon, Ladies, and hope we have not in any respect insulted your understanding. Could this request be complied with, your humble Petitioners would for ever be bound to pray. We all with one accord, Subscribe as on the other side, Your humble servants. The writer of this begs ten thousand pardons for every imperfection, as she is a bad writer and bad speller.




    National Archives UK, Royal Navy Medical Journals, 1817-1857, Medical Journal of Charles Cameron on the voyage of the Midas in 1825. The National Archives. Kew, Richmond, Surrey. ADM 101/56/6 (Ancestry)

    TAHO, Conduct Records, Midas 1825

    Newspapers -British Newspaper Archives

    The Morning Post, 16 October 1826; Letter to Charles Cameron.

    Morning Chronicle, 5 May 1825, Mary Neale

    Morning Chronicle, 19 August 1824, Mary Tapper

    Old Bailey on Line

    Mary Ann Wilson, Reference 718250217-117




  • John Wilson (Emma Eugenia 1844) Open or Close

    John Wilson (c)

    The Voyage of the Emma Eugenia 1844

    Woolwich, 30 November 1843   -   Hobart, 2 April 1844


    John Wilson had his only appointment as surgeon superintendent on a convict transport ship aboard the Emma Eugenia in 1844.  His name was common in the list of Navy surgeons around that era so he was identified as John Wilson c.

    At daylight on the 13 and 14 November 1843, one hundred and seventy female prisoners from Millbank Prison (sent there from various prisons), embarked at Woolwich. They were in good health except for seven or eight who had suffered bouts of diarrhoea not long before leaving prison. Nearly all the women remained in good health throughout the voyage with only nineteen cases entered into the sick list; three of whom were dangerously ill.  Diarrhoea was the prevailing complaint.

    John Wilson’s journal was brief, reflecting the low number of seriously ill patients.  His sick list and the medical reports noted the women’s names, single or married status and prior occupation, which included, three servants, two bonnet makers, a shoe binder, dressmaker, tailoress, furrier, hawker, labourer and eight prostitutes. There were no deaths during the one hundred and fifty-three days at sea, although one seriously ill woman died soon after reaching Hobart.

    The journal recorded little about daily life aboard ship or of the personalities of the women.  John Wilson’s focus was keeping proper medical records of the diagnosis, treatment and standard of care he expected to be carried out in the hospital.  He was thorough in his administrations and carefully attended to his patients with the valued help of the nurses. Each patient’s case notes detailed their symptoms and any observations by him.

    Hannah Hunt, twenty-four years old and a prostitute, had been very ill for some time and, presented with dyspepsia. John Wilson duly noted a long list of symptoms.   Headache, loss of appetite and strength, pain & sense of weight in the region of the stomach after eating, languor & despondency, paleness of countenance, acidity, occasional but not severe pain in the stomach.  Slight exertion produces fatigue & palpitation.  Bowels slow.  Tongue white. Pulse of usual frequency, but languid.  Restless nights, frightful dreams, startlings.  For a considerable time before “Conviction”, was want to live intemperately, “for days together on biscuit and gin”.   There was a glimpse of Hannah Hunt’s delicate emotional state, when John Wilson observed, “When questioned her answers are accompanied by tears.”  Hannah was treated with magnesium sub carbonate (an antacid), rhubarb (a purgative) and ginger (to soothe).

    Once a patient’s symptoms were noted, a script was written to counteract them and restore the patients’ health.  In every case John Wilson wrote an itemized scrip, allotting a new line for each ingredient and gave precise instructions for the administration of pills or draughts.  All was written, as the usual custom, in Latin. Sophia Jacobs had a feverish illness and was treated with -:

    Rx    Pulv. Rad. Ipecac.  gr xv

                 Antim. Potass.- tartratis   gr i

    M ft pulvis emeticus statim sumendus

        Rx    Jalapa Rad. Pulv.

                 Rhei R. Pulveris  aa i

                 Hydrarg. Chlorid.  gr vi

                 Olei Menth. Pip.  m ij

    Aquae q.s. ut ft massa in pilula ij dividenda    Sumat iij hora decubitus, Maneque,Sequenti.

    Solut. Magnesiae Sulphatis, cum Antim. Potassio tartratis zi 2da quaque hora, donec alvus plene respondent.

    Ipecac and antimony potassium tartrate were used to induce vomiting. Jalapa (a tuberous root), rhubarb and mercury were mixed with oil of menthol and made into two pills to be given at bed time and the following morning. The pills would have caused purging.  Two hours after the bowels moved a solution of sulphur magnesium (Epsom salts) and antimony potassium tartrate (a heavy metal) was administered.

    Illness in the nineteenth century was treated with purgatives and emetics to rid the body of evil humours and other toxins.  Mercury seemed to be used for much the same reason modern medicine uses antibiotics while opium was calming as a pain relief, cough suppressant or sleeping draught. Poultices and dressings, made with oatmeal or clay, were commonly used to ease local pain.  In fever cases, heads were sometimes shaved and bathed in vinegar and water; a method which was also a popular in treating epilepsy or fits brought on by hysteria.  John Wilson said he found opium most valuable for treating ill patients on a female convict ship.

    In his case notes John Wilson also gave instructions for the personal care of Sophia Jacobs whose fever had made her seriously ill.  He recommended daily sponging with vinegar and water, which he was pleased to see refreshed her.  He ordered the bedsheets to be frequently changed and bed pans to be removed immediately after use and ensured the hospital was thoroughly cleaned, kept dry and well ventilated.  Sophia needed assistance to be turned in bed, lifted out when necessary, given drinks and her personal needs attended to. The long weeks in hospital caused abscesses across her sacrum which were treated with an oatmeal dressing applied in a pressure pad.  She made a slow recovery over twelve weeks which John Wilson attributed to not only his medical treatment but the care and attention she received, day and night from the chief hospital nurse, Jane Tate. Once recovered, Sophia Jacobs was allowed to sleep in the hospital as long as there was room.

    However, such close and personal nursing resulted in the chief hospital nurse, Jane Tate, coming down with similar symptoms. One morning after a night of sweating profusely and her spirits greatly depressed Jane Tate felt that she would not live.  John Wilson wrote, “She has this morning given directions about the disposal of some trifling property.”  Fortunately, Jane Tate did recover and went on to become the mother of a large family in Tasmania.

    Mary Ann McDonald, a fifteen-year-old hawker, was suddenly attacked by dimness of sight amounting to almost total blindness. She was one of the best behaved and attentive pupils being taught reading and writing five hours every day at school on the Poop deck and was exposed to the glare of the sun.  (Perhaps her complaint was akin to pterygiums or surfers eye). John Wilson appointed a messmate to be her guide and admitted her into hospital where she was treated with the usual purgatives and prescribed an eye wash of zinc sulphur.  By the time the ship neared Hobart her eyesight had improved and she could read and sew almost as to her former ability.  She too was allowed to sleep in the hospital for the last two weeks of the voyage.

    Four women were sent to hospital after arrival in Hobart. Three recovered and completed their sentences but Elizabeth Hinton died three weeks after her admittance to the Colonial Hospital. She was twenty-three years old, single and the mother of two children; her one-year-old son, James, was on board ship with her. She was transported because she stole two loaves of bread and a shawl and she had a prior imprisonment for stealing shoes. Her case was not written up in the journal and the only indication of her illness was diarrhoea, noted in the sick list.  Her son, James, died in the Dynnyrne nursery five months after his mother’s death.

    In his General Remarks John Wilson spoke his mind and made forceful recommendations directed to the authorities in Admiralty House.  He outlined the daily routine of twice a day visits to the prison and the hospital and said that during a gale he inspected both, four or five times a day. The prisoners were allowed on deck from sunrise to sunset and their bedding was aired daily. His views and preferred methods of cleaning the prison were a change from those usually used on convict transports.  He insisted that the prison was kept clean by sweeping and using woollen cloths dipped in water to wipe them down and said that great care was taken not to waste a single drop of water. His was adamant that dry holystoning of decks was an abomination and its effects no different to a Sheffield dry grinder workshop and added that the use of vinegar, chloride of lime or hanging stoves was never employed on the voyage.

    An incident which proved his determination and character was described at the end of his journal. Widow, Jane Grady, had been twenty times in prison, although on many occasions just for a day. Far out to sea in the Southern Ocean approximately half way between the Cape of Good Hope and Hobart Town she jumped overboard.  She was handcuffed at the time as punishment for striking and wounding the chief officer and had leapt overboard in that state.  John Wilson gallantly went to her rescue.  Around fifteen minutes after the jump he caught her about “half an arm’s length under water” by grabbing her hair.  His actions saved her life. Jane Grady reached Hobart with a downcast expression and continued her troublesome ways while serving her sentence.




    National Archives UK, Journal of the Emma Eugenia 1844, ADM 101 25-5 piece 38

    TAHO, Elizabeth Hinton, death record RGD 34/1/2 1844/1273

    TAHO, James Hinton, death record, RGD 35/1/2 1844/340



  • John Stephen Hampton (Mexborough 1841) Open or Close

    John Stephen Hampton

    b c1806 d. 1869

    Mexborough 1841, 145 female convicts Dublin to Hobart – 2 deaths

    Constant 1843, 204 male convicts Dublin to Hobart- 3 deaths

    Sir George Seymour 1845, 345 male convicts Woolwich to Port Phillip & Hobart – 1 death



    John Stephen Hampton




    The Voyage of the Mexborough 1841

    “At 10 PM the convicts were always all quiet in bed”.


    John Stephen Hampton, surgeon superintendent on the Mexborough 1841, was a well-qualified man, awarded a medical diploma at Edinburgh in 1828, entered the navy as an assistant surgeon in 1829 and was promoted “on merit” to surgeon in 1834.  His reputation was distinguished through his work in the prevention of cholera at the Plymouth dockyard. The Mexborough was his first appointment aboard a convict ship and his only voyage transporting females.  He also served on the Constant, 1843, Dublin to Hobart and, the Sir George Seymour, 1845, Woolwich to Hobart and Port Phillip. 

    He took over as surgeon superintendent on the Mexborough in Dublin after surgeon Henry Mahon was recalled to duty on another ship.  One hundred and forty-five female convicts and thirty-six children, as well as six free women with eight children, were ready to embark. In the Richmond Female Penitentiary at Grangegorman Lane the women were under the spiritual care of Father Bernard Kirby who prayed with them, administered the sacraments and celebrated mass in the prison chapel.  He encouraged the women to repent and said that they should rejoice in being transported to a much better place.

    Two days before sailing Father Kirby went on board ship, sought out John Hampton and informed him that as the majority of the convicts were Catholics it would violate the rules of their church to attend prayer services not recognized by that authority.  Hampton, who as surgeon superintendent, was under Admiralty orders to read the Church of England services for the convicts, found a practical solution. He permitted Father Kirby to select several pious Catholic women and prepare them to read prayers every Sunday.  This no doubt eased the minds of the prisoners and lessened the work for the surgeon.

    The ship sailed on 12 August 1841, putting in at the Cape of Good Hope for a week to replenish the water supply and, set off again for Hobart, arriving on the 26 December. It was an old ship, making it “exceedingly difficult” to keep leakage away from the prison deck, particularly between the Cape and Hobart when there was a continual gale of wind and inclement weather. John Hampton instigated a “most strict” attention to cleanliness, ventilation and dryness and, established a daily routine to preserve conditions on board for the good health of the women. In the morning the women stowed the beds, cleaned the decks and prepared breakfast, after which they were sent up on deck and the doors to the prison were locked.  After the midday meal they could either choose to stay on deck or go below but most preferred to stay up. In hot weather they were not sent below until later in the day.  By 10 pm, the “convicts were always quiet in bed”.

    The synopsis of the sick book indicated that catarrh and diarrhoea were the most common complaints. Three medical cases were detailed: two women, who died before reaching Hobart and another woman who suffered a severe vaginal haemorrhage. Margaret Reilly was the first case noted. She was thirty-five years old and Hampton described her as having a bloated appearance, debilitated and unhealthy looking. She had a fever and although improving in health relapsed after the ship and “particularly in the hospital” became wet during gale. Her soaked bedding worsened her symptoms and threatened her health. Continued bad weather, constant nausea and vomiting prevented her from taking medicines and she became emaciated and her health deteriorated.  She died on 22 December.

    The other death occurred the day before and that woman had presented a challenge to Hampton.  Mary Holohan, a 55 years old widow, was sentenced to seven years transportation in County Kilkenny for the theft of a coat and she had two prior short imprisonments for refusing to prosecute two boys. From the time she boarded the Mexborough in Kingstown Harbour she was exceedingly dirty in her habits and used her shoe as a bedpan and kept it in her blanket full of excrement.   All practicable inducements were used to prevent this unusual habit and when remonstrated with on the subject said “she liked it so”.  She was under treatment for a debilitating attack of common continual fever and Hampton said that she was “perfectly sensible and able to assist herself”’ but “although she asks for drink and everything else she wants will not ask for or use the bed pan or night chair”.  It was impossible to keep her bedding dry and clean, and the wetness and her unavoidably filthy state brought on diarrhoea and the continual wetting caused irritation around her thighs and buttocks.  She was put a nutritious diet and given barley water but she had an “extreme dislike” to taking any prescribed medication and refused tonics.

    During the last week of her life everything around her was contaminated and she had to be put into warm bath morning and evening. Hampton called her a “most loathsome nuisance” and complained that all the spare bedding had been destroyed.  Mary’s health deteriorated, she became emaciated and died on 21 December. Hampton’s comment when Mary's death occurred during "a violent gale of wind” suggested he felt that dying during such turbulent weather was a fitting end for her.  In the General Remarks, he wrote, “The almost incredibly dirty habits of Holohan no doubt in the first instance produced the Diarrhoea under which she ultimately sunk.  During the last week of her life she was a most loathsome nuisance destroying all the spare bedding & requiring to be put in a warm bath morning and evening, otherwise the Hospital & after part of the prison would have been altogether uninhabitable, and however incredible it may appear offered the most violent resistance to being shifted and kept clean, although perfectly sensible & able to make all her wants known.” It is possible that Mary Holahan wanted to die and, in her despair, defied the surgeon superintendent and brought about her own death.

    The ship arrived in Hobart on 26 December, only a few days after the deaths of the two women who had died within sight of the Van Diemen’s Land coast.  The final sentence in the journal summed up John Hampton’s thoughts regarding the voyage. “with the exception of the two fatal cases, the convicts, free settlers and a large proportion of children arrived in Hobart Town in better health and condition than they were in on embarkation at Kingstown, in proof of which although the voyage had been long with much bad weather there was not a single patient under treatment when the ship anchored in the Derwent”.

    After his voyages aboard the convict ships John Hampton was appointed comptroller-general of convicts in Van Diemen’s Land from 1846 until 1857 and Governor of Western Australia in 1862 until 1868. He left both colonies under a cloud. In 1855 the Tasmanian Legislative Council set up an inquiry into convict administration.  There were frequent press reports of allegations of corruption, using convict labour for personal benefit and accusations of other ruthless dealings. Many reports in the press used words to describe John Hampton’s character, such as energetic, decisive, inflexible, despotic and harsh. Mr Anstey (MLC Oatlands), was reported to have blamed the governor who had not prevented, “such high crimes and such gross and shameful and flagrant misdemeanours as were imputed (to John Hampton).”

    In Western Australia he was praised for the turnaround in the economy which doubled in revenue and achieved a balanced budget under his direction and there was strong approval for the public works he instigated.  But rumours about cruelty in the treatment of convicts abounded.  He instituted a far stricter regime and the number of floggings increased. He also reintroduced solitary confinement.  Although his policies were regarded as beneficial, his authoritarian rule brought about a clamour for representative government in the colony and for reform in the management of convicts 



    Rieusset Brien, The Voyage of the Mexborough 1841, Female Convict Research Centre.

    Freemans Journal and Daily Commercial Advertiser (Dublin) 24 July 1841 & 30 July 1841

    National Archives UK, Medical Journal from the Mexborough 1841, ADM101/53


    The Courier 21 Nov 1855


  • James Patton (Persian 1827) Open or Close

    James Patton M.D. R.N.

    Assistant surgeon 8 October 1811 & promoted to Surgeon 1820


    Persian 1827

    -  to Hobart with 66 female convicts 4 free women – no deaths


    Eliza 1828

     -  to Sydney with 158 male convicts – 8 deaths

    The Voyage of the Persian 1827



    James Patton, at first assigned to the Harmony, was transferred to the Persian in 1827 after the death of its appointed surgeon.  He took on the role of surgeon superintendent for the voyage from Woolwich to Hobart, via Teneriffe, in charge of sixty-six female convicts and four free women passengers who were going to join their husbands; many had children with them as well as seven children travelling to join their parents. There were also several cabin passengers aboard. In part of his remarks written for the Admiralty, James Patton summed up the voyage.

     We have now been successful, through God’s assistance in carrying out all hands who embarked on board the Persian to Van Diemen’s Land without a death or casualty of any kind; although the situation of some was very critical, and I am not without hope that when the Prisoners are inspected they will be considered to be in as good health, as could be expected, when we take into our consideration the great length of the voyage, and a constant gale of wind from the Cape of Good Hope.”

    He said the provisions were carefully cooked, the prison cleaned and dried, healthy exercise allowed and daily allowances of wine, lemon juice and sugar were served to each prisoner to prevent scurvy. But many paragraphs, in fact almost whole of the General Remarks to the Admiralty, focused on his “unwearied application and care as constantly directed to the 24 Article respecting the prevention of prostitution between the prisoners and the ship’s crew” and he was proud to say that every officer in the ship showed the most “moral and praiseworthy example” in that respect and a strict watch was kept over the actions of the prisoners. He was of the firm opinion that there was not even an occasional disgrace of that kind with any of the seamen.  He praised the master, Mr Robert Plunkett, and the Chief Officer, Mr Wellbank, for their active support and assistance in obtaining these desirable ends.

    Although he found the ship “fully sufficient” to ensure no improper interactions between the prisoners and the crew, he pointed out that there was no place where punishment such as solitary confinement could be “favourably carried into effect.” The hold was moist and damp and likely to cause pulmonary and rheumatic complaints if a prisoner was confined there for any length of time.  He suggested that a small dark cell with an adequate number of air holes could be fitted up under the hospital or in any convenient part of the ship and would be suitable to confine refractory females for one, two or three days, according to the nature and degree of an offence.  He was convinced it would be “an instrument of terror in the surgeon’s hands”, and said the prisoners feared solitary confinement more than any other form of punishment.  He felt such an addition would incur little expense.

    He further suggested the use of handcuffs as a form of confinement and said it was useful as a threat in preventing crime and ensure orderly conduct. He used handcuffs but had to borrow them from a police officer who was a passenger on board.  He recommended about half a dozen sets of handcuffs be allowed on each ship for use when there were instances of ungovernable behaviour among the prisoners. 

    One entry perhaps explained why he felt the need for handcuffs. It was the custom to send the prisoners below a little before dusk which Patton said was to prevent criminal behaviour between the prisoners and the seamen. On 2 May, he and the Chief Officer were busy organizing the women to go below when Mary Page refused to obey and struck the Chief Officer a violent blow to his face. The chief officer “immediately collared her” and took her aft. The petty officer, who was ordered to assist him, refused to obey saying he had “nothing to do with the prisoners.”  On investigation it was found that a few of the women wanted to resist going below and the seamen, who planned not to assist the officers carry out the order, were thought to be the instigators. Mary Page was handcuffed and put in solitary confinement.

    James Patton continued his thoughts on what had happened. “In the case now before us, we have an example in which the officers in charge of a female Convict ship, are occasionally thrown into the most critical situations, requiring from them the most prompt measures, as well as the greatest command of temper on many important occasions. A number of unfortunate, and ill disposed women are assembled together, during a long and tedious voyage, and in different climates; over whom the most moral example of others has little or no effect, and who are at all times prone to follow the immoral habits of their former Life, and desirous of running the greatest risks to obtain these ends. – We have them suborning the Allegience(sic) of the seamen from the Master and officers of the vessel, and when the time arrived for securing the Prisoners the Surgeon, the Master and Mates of the vessel stand alone against the Prisoners and seamen, and who are expected fully to discharge the Duty confided to them!!”

    After the punishment was metered out the women offered no further resistance and for the remainder of the voyage followed the orders to go below at dusk. The final sentence in Patton’s report stated that in his view no vessel had arrived in the colonies in which criminal intercourse between the prisoners and the seamen was more effectively prevented than in the Persian. However, one case from the medical journal included the information that Catherine Blakeney had “made too free with either wine or spirits” while at Teneriffe. It was five days after the incident with Mary Page and the wine and spirits must have been provided by the seamen.

    One of the free women, Mary Wilby, was sick several times during the voyage.  Patton said her constitution was much debilitated.  The free women’s berths were near the main hatchway and exposed to atmospheric changes especially at night and they suffered from coughs and respiratory problems.  A dispute between two of their children spread to their mothers, one of whom, was Mary Wilby. Her distress caused her stomach to suddenly swell to an alarming size and she had a great deal of wind. Admitted into the hospital she was given purgatives, enemas and blister treatment. The row was forgotten and Patton said that by great nursing and care Mary Wilby was safely landed in Hobart.

    Accidents aboard ship came under the care of the surgeon. An able bodied seaman was wounded when the rope machine overturned. He was knocked unconscious and covered in blood from a wound which exposed the bone across the forehead. Once the blood was washed away and the lips of the wound brought together and fastened by adhesive straps it was found that the mischief was not so great and he soon recovered. The children on board also suffered from coughs and one girl, who had worms, was treated with purgatives.

    The sick list not extensive but two cases concerning mental health took much of the surgeon’s time and many pages of notes in the medical journal.  Elizabeth Crittenden, a forty-year-old prisoner, was selected to act as the matron of the hospital but only six weeks into the voyage she began to “exhibit signs of mental aberration”.  She was convinced the other prisoners were going to poison her or take her clothes and property.  Patton regarded her mess mates as bad characters and thought they aided in producing her complaint by frequently annoying her. Elizabeth was noisy, refractory and incoherent and wanted to put others out of the hospital except for one woman whom she regarded as a friend.  Her face was flushed, her eyes heavy and skin warm and the surgeon decided to take about sixteen ounces of blood from her arm and administer a purgative. After a few days she became more sensible and gradually recovered.

    The second case was much more serious in the symptoms and in the important status of the patient.  A passenger, Robert McClelland Esquire, had been appointed Attorney General for Van Diemen’s Land. A journal entry said he had showed some “extraordinary symptoms” before the episode which brought his complaint to the attention of Patton. It came to a head when he stated to the master of the ship, and the surgeon that a conspiracy had been set up against him and demanded that his trunks and boxes be sent on shore.  His speech was incoherent and his eyes and countenance had a wild appearance.

    He was treated for some medical problems prior to embarkation and on-board ship he became anxious and dreading the long voyage asked to be landed at Plymouth saying he had mislaid the warrant of appointment. It was located but his fears continued and he imagined all kinds of evils might happen to him.  However, in the early weeks he did not consult the surgeon as he carried many medications prescribed by his doctor before he left.

    He studied the law needed to fulfil his duties with “unusual diligence”, which was thought to have added to his stress. One night two months into the journey he refused to go to bed and sat with his elbow on the bed resting his head on the palm of his hand in a state of melancholy. At two in the morning he dressed in his best clothes and went up on deck and asked why he was not landed in Hobart.  Despite being debilitated in health he managed to get up on the forecastle and looked anxiously about for land while a ship’s officer watched him lest any accident happen.  He eventually got down and woke Patton asking him to direct the master to put him ashore.  The surgeon told him that he was disturbing everyone and tried to explain that the ship was a thousand miles from any land.  The patient then stated that if he was not landed he would take no nourishment.

    By evening the master and the surgeon were sent for and McClelland told them that he had little time to live in the world and wanted to go out of it an honest man. He listed his debts and requested the considerable property he had on board be sold to pay them off.  He was reassured that he was in tolerably good health and not in danger of dying from natural causes. But the sick man said there were other means of dying and took a prayer book ready to retire. The master of the ship was consulted and it was decided that the patient should not be alone and his clerk was asked to stay with him but he had gone into the quarter gallery and bolted the door. It had to be broken open and the surgeon and officers removed the bladed penknife they found.

    Over the next weeks, still ill, he refused nourishment and medicines and continued to believe the ship was at anchor. At times he was coaxed into taking a cup of tea and a little medicine.  He asked for his razors but was refused and again said he would starve himself. All cutting instruments were removed and his cabin secured “in a manner that he could not escape”, as it was feared that he might throw himself overboard.  Patton remonstrated with him ten times a day but all fell on deaf ears. He regarded him as the most stubborn patient he had ever seen and noted that his fear of taking anything lest he should be poisoned. The worry about the ill man concerned many on board. The master of the ship pointed out the latitude and longitude of their position on the charts, but it was in vain.  Patton found it impossible to manage his patient without throwing away all delicacy with the lost man who obstinately refused everything.

    Although a little purgative medicine was swallowed, the patient continued to become very emaciated and a cathartic enema was ordered to be administered by force. The threat of further such treatments encouraged him to have a little soup and tea.  His condition did not improve and in the weeks until they reached Hobart he believed he had been condemned by the fury of the populace and deceived by the surgeon and master.

    In Hobart, which the patient believed was London, he was put into the care of the Colonial Surgeon.  “The Governor called upon him when he landed, and the Colonial Surgeon was obliged to force Castor Oil down his throat- I am happy to say that after remaining in this state for upwards of one month, he began to see the deceptions under which his mind laboured; his bodily health shewed symptoms of improvement, and in a short period he gradually recovered.”

    The Hobart Town Gazette Saturday 11 August 1827

    The transport ship Persian 400 tons, R. Plunkett, - commander, from the Downs 14th of April, the Land’s End the 20th ditto, with 66 female prisoners. Surgeon and Superintendent James Patton M.D.

    Passengers. -Robert McLeland Esq. who we regret to say, during a great part of the voyage has enjoyed very indifferent health, and was so much debilitated on the arrival of the ship, as to be obliged to be carried on shore. His Excellency, the Colonial Surgeon, and Mr. Hone, (whom Mr. McLeland knew in England) have paid him every attention, and it is hoped that the repose and quiet of a lodging on shore, and the reviving atmosphere of Hobart -town will speedily restore him to health.



    National Archives, Medical Journal from the Persian 1827 ADM 101/058/07

    Newspapers: -

    Hobart Town Gazette Saturday 11 August 1827

    Colonial Times and Tasmanian Advertiser 10 August 1827



  • Sir John Hamett (Gilbert Hendersen 1839-1840) Open or Close


    Sir John Hamett

    d 1847, Frankfurt

    Voyage of the Gilbert Henderson 1839-1840

    left London 14 December 1839 and arrived Hobart 24 April 1840

    via Tenerife and the Cape of Good Hope.

    Sir John Hamett was appointed assistant surgeon in 1812, two years later he entered the Navy List and, in 1817, was awarded a medical diploma from Aberdeen. He was knighted in 1838 for his work during the cholera outbreak at Danzig in 1831, which was published in an official medical report. His rank was higher than most surgeon superintendents on convict transport ships but he accepted the appointment on the Gilbert Henderson in order to take up a grant of land in Van Diemen’s Land.

    There were 185 female convicts embarked in November 1839; 93 were sent from the Penitentiary in London, 41 from Liverpool, 1 from Oxford, 1 from Durham, 10 from Exeter, 6 from Ilchester, 5 from Knutsford, 4 from Aberdeen, 4 from Dundee and 20 from Leith. Hamett said that the “general aspect of those embarked did not indicate a healthy assemblage, more especially of those from the Penitentiary”. Eight of the women appeared aged or weak and required medical treatment. Fifty-year-old, Ann Martin, paralysed along the right side of her body, was returned to the house of correction by an order from the Secretary of State for the Home Department.

    Among the prisoners embarked were two twelve-year-old and two thirteen- year-old girls and six young women aged fifteen or sixteen. All were convicted of petty thefts for shoplifting or snatch and grab offences. They were young and healthy with only one entered on the sick list during the voyage.

    Hamett’s medical journal has an extensive Sick List with each patient’s age, status of married or single, their disease or hurt, when they were put on the list and when discharged. The case notes at times included scraps of information about the women’s former lives. The first patient, sixteen-year-old, Ann Richardson, was admitted into the ship’s hospital at Woolwich, with signs of scrofula under her chin and around her neck area. According to her, the sores broke out at the Penitentiary just before she was sent aboard the convict transport, Hindostan, and in consequence, she was returned from that ship. On board the Gilbert Henderson, Hamett treated her with purgatives and an unguent of mercury nitrate mixed with sperm whale resin. The sores soon healed.

    Nineteen-year-old, Amelia Reeder, was afflicted with chronic syphilis prior to her seven months in prison. Once admitted to hospital aboard ship, Hamett ordered her to be washed every day and her sores dressed with an unguent. Amelia recovered but later returned to hospital with pustular eruptions which caused considerable itching. She was placed in isolation, bathed with sulphur lotum (washed sulphur) and her clothes were laundered. She was soon discharged cured.

    Bridget Madden, twenty-two, had two ulcers on her lower left leg caused by boot nails from a kick and aggravated by the shackles placed on her legs for the journey to the ship. Hamett bandaged the wounds with lint spread with an unguent. An older woman, Elizabeth Davies, also had an ulcer on the lower leg caused by a scald six years earlier. She was similarly treated and told to keep her limb quiet and supported. Both women recovered. Violence in the women’s lives was evident. Jane Bennett was admitted to hospital after spitting blood and told Hamett that she had once been kicked under the ribs on her left side. He treated her with magnesium sulphate, antimony and potassium nitrate and purgatives.

    Mary Jones, thirty-four, had a swollen left knee which was a chronic problem from her childhood. She had been treated in several London hospitals and advised to have the leg amputated but refused. Hamett supported her knee with straps of lead plaster and she was quickly discharged from the sick list. Another patient, twenty-year-old, Eliza Hall had a scrophulus tumour under her left armpit which she had “studiously concealed”. It first appeared while she was in the Penitentiary and the doctors treated it using leeches and poultices. A slightly built woman, she was generally in good health and not badly affected by sea sickness and was allowed the full diet. To treat her tumour, Hamett applied poultices but it was to no avail, so when it fully suppurated, he lanced it and a great deal of matter came away. The abscess began to diminish and was dressed every day with an ox muriate lotion (Goulards Lotion). Eliza continued the quinine and tonics treatment and the master of the ship allowed her porter or ale. On arrival in Hobart she was sent to the Colonial Hospital and died four months later.

    Accidents and falls resulted in hospital admissions. Jane Bennett, nineteen, stout with a full habit of body, fell off the ladder in the hatchway and injured her back and loins. Although there were no obvious signs of injury she was in severe pain and admitted to hospital. Hamett placed her in a horizonal position, treated her with purgative pills and she was discharged nine days later. Mary Cooney fell from the upper berth and landed on the deck injuring her right knee. Goulards Lotions and hot poultices relieved her pain. Unfortunately, she fell again while carrying a keg of water from the upper to the lower deck and injured the same knee. Hamett applied a blister and heated the knee with sperm whale resin until the pain eased.

    Piles were a common problem and several women were admitted into the hospital. Constipation led to Eliza Walker developing the condition. She was reported to be subject to hysteria although Hamett wrote that he saw no evidence of it. As a young married woman, the separation from her husband perhaps had caused her distress. Jane Shore, twenty, stout and of full body, had suffered from piles since the birth of her son eighteen months earlier. To relieve these patients, purgatives were prescribed and unguents were applied to the affected parts.

    A slightly built Ann Jackson, twenty-three, had problems with incontinence as a result of painful labour and birth of a stillborn baby while in the Penitentiary. She was put into a horizontal position and a thick sponge and a compress was applied “reasonably” to the vagina. She was discharged after a week in the hospital.

    Several older women were admitted to hospital with varied complaints. Martha Hill, fifty-one, had inflammation and excoriation in her labia and vagina and was considered a lazy woman with unclean habits. Hamett discounted venereal disease as the cause. Ann McDermot was ill with giddiness for a couple of days and said she had been subject to that complaint for years. Her age was forty-three on the official records but told Hamett she was sixty which he believed was nearer the truth. Ann Hall, fifty-nine, had rheumatism and was treated with a long list of concoctions, many of which were purgatives. She was swiftly cured.

    Mary Lister, forty-five, had a hernia, afflicted two years earlier after lifting heavy lead, probably helping her husband who was a plumber and glazier in Manchester. Hamett thought it had been neglected for too long and he couldn’t use a truss so devised a bandage to compress the protruding sac. He had to affix the bandage to another round her loins. Mary Lister was discharged but he did not mention cured.

    Young married woman, Margaret Price, was admitted to hospital after a “severe attack of hysteria”. She had fitted about once a month for as long as she could remember and said that her father was subject to the “falling sickness”. Hamett put her illness down to Sociopathic Hysteria. When the attacks occurred, cold water was dashed over her face, neck and extremities, her temples were bathed with vinegar and water, ammonia was applied to her nostrils and a poultice to her abdomen. She was also purged.

    Many pages of Hamett’s journal were taken up with the illness and death of Mary Connor from tuberculosis. She was a bricklayer’s daughter and described as having, “a short slender frame, and a narrow chest; has auburn or reddish hair, fair complexion and white skin”. She was emaciated and diarrhoea and intestinal ulceration had worsened her health. Hamett said he received no history of her illness and although he went regularly around the prison deck every night with one of the officers and “made due inquiries after complaints”, he did not know of her diarrhoea and general illness until one of the matrons informed him. Mary was admitted into the hospital 17 December and died 25 January. After her death Hamett conducted an autopsy, witnessed by Dr Clarke, the Deputy Inspector of Military Hospitals, who was a passenger on board. He found evidence of tuberculosis and diseased and ulcerated colon.

    An account of her burial was in the Englishwoman’s Domestic Magazine in 1866, reported to be written by a midshipman who was a passenger on board the Gilbert Henderson. It was twenty-six years after the voyage and although some details are incorrect and others rather poetically described, the main events seemed vivid in his memory.

    All on board felt for her, all on board pitied her fate. She was buried at midnight, on a calm moonlit night, when the surface of the ocean was smooth and glittering as that of a mirror. Sewn up in a white sheet, and strapped to a board loaded with shot at one end, the lifeless form was laid across the bulwarks near the gangway. The sailors of the watch below and all the convicts were summoned to the deck by the slow tolling of the ship's bell. The passengers came forth from the cabin. Sir J___ H__ read aloud the prayers appointed by the Church to be read at the funeral of those buried at sea, and when he spoke the solemn words - “We therefore commit the body of our beloved sister to the deep” etc etc, the board was loosened, it slid swiftly over the side, a plash was heard and the corpse sank deep beneath the parting waters, there to abide until the Great Day when the sea shall give up her dead. The plash was heard amidst solemn silence, but immediately there arose from the assembled females a wild “keene” of lament, which rang in the ears of the listeners for long afterwards and - many among them sobbing hysterically - the females retired to the deck below. And in a few days, she who had been one of their unfortunate companions was by them forgotten as though she had never existed.

    Hamett gave Mary Connor’s age as twenty-two but her larceny conviction at the Old Bailey in London and the midshipman, in his account, said she was seventeen. She had been on the town for six months and had an accomplice, Bridget Tighe, another young prostitute, who was also on-board ship.

    In his General Remarks, Hamett wrote that the weather was windy, wet and stormy in the first weeks of the voyage and sea sickness was the prevailing debility on board. Most of the women became constipated and had to have purgatives. The older or pregnant women were more acutely affected and the ship made a two-day stop at Teneriffe for refreshments. They made another stop at Table Bay where they received fresh meat and vegetables but strong gales interrupted delivery of the water supply. Departure was delayed and the ship was in port for eleven days rather than the scheduled week.

    Nine children were born during the voyage; seven were healthy infants and two were still-born. Hamett administered castor oil to the pregnant women, before and after delivery. In fact, he repeatedly used that “valuable medicine” for his patients throughout the voyage and purchased an extra 2lbs in Teneriffe and 1 lb at the Cape of Good Hope. Five children and seven infants were vaccinated the day after arrival in Hobart but, because the parcel containing the virus had not been properly closed or sealed, the vaccine did not take.

    The cleanliness of the prison deck was carefully managed by scraping, cleaning and dry-holy-stoning every other day. Ventilation was maintained by lifting up the ventilators on deck and opening the side ports every morning on all possible occasions. Chloride of lime was occasionally used in the hospital and the prison. No slopping or washing was allowed below but three days each week were allocated for washing clothes with extra washing days in favourable weather, particularly to wash the children’s clothes.

    Infant, Emma Martin, died the morning the ship reached the harbour at Hobart. The little girl was weak and very restless and her mother, Mary Martin, lacking sleep, enticed the nurse to let her have some laudanum to help settle the baby. But the dose was too strong for such a fragile infant. Hamett said Mary Martin was a well-conducted woman and exceedingly fond of her daughter and had not “harboured any unnatural intent to destroy it”. The child’s body was taken on shore to be buried.

    In Hobart, before the women disembarked, toddler, Michael Lackey, fell overboard. The ship’s master, James Tweedie, immediately ordered the ship to be brought to and jumped into the water to rescue the child who had drifted a considerable distance from the stern. He swam to the child, seized him and held his head above the water until the Jolly Boat with the Second Officer and crew reached them and pulled both to safety. The incident was reported in the newspapers and Hamett gave an account to the Lieutenant-Governor.

    The unnamed midshipman recalled memories from his time as a cabin passenger on the Gilbert Henderson. He said Sir John Hamett travelled fully stocked with the tools and equipment necessary for farming and the comforts needed to live an elegant life. They met again years later and reminisced about the pleasant days aboard ship. The midshipman was surprised that Hamett had returned to England but said he found him living comfortably at Portsmouth with his wife and daughter. Hamett explained his leaving the colony: “Not at all the thing for a man of my years. I was sadly disappointed. Not a living soul within twenty miles of my grant. Went to look for it – couldn’t find it for a long time. Found it. A wretched place. Nobody to speak to but the convict servants I took with me. Should have been dead and buried in less than six months if I’d stayed. Remained a week. Came back to Hobart Town and sailed for England on board the first vessel that was ready for sea. Sad take in. Grants of land indeed! Cost me hundreds of pounds, all thrown away. Ruinous! Come and dine with me today, but don’t speak of Van Diemen's Land. It makes me miserable to think of it.”

    The midshipman described the punishments meted out during the voyage but said they were few and far from severe and, after the first month at sea, were seldom called for. The mildest and most frequent form of discipline was stopping the allowance of tea at supper time or plum pudding on Sundays and Thursdays. Losing the right to be on deck enjoying fine weather or being sent below to work was another deterrent. For the most refractory, it was isolation in a wooden box, rather like a sentry box, in which the light and air came from a hole in the top and the occupant had to stand or stoop in an uneasy posture. There were very few who had to endure that punishment for periods of between one to three hours. Only one woman was incarcerated more than once and it was said that she appeared to be the oldest on board. She was also the only woman handcuffed during the voyage. She was described as, “This wretched creature was almost as strong as a man, and was absolutely incorrigible, though even she improved her conduct as the voyage drew near its close.” The oldest woman was sixty-two years old, Mary Ann Andrews, but Hamett commented that Ann McDermott looked to be sixty years old as well.

    One loathed punishment was having the hair cropped because it deprived the women of their most cherished natural ornament. It was enforced only once on the voyage. “the culprit was a young, good-looking, generally well-behaved girl, with luxuriant black hair. She pleaded, as if for her life, that the punishment might be spared and her companions pleaded for her; but the offence of which she had been guilty was one that could not be overlooked". Her crime was not disclosed but perhaps she stole, an offence which was known to earn that sentence on board convict transport ships. Hamett ordered the punishment but allowed it to be merely a snipping of a quarter inch of hair. The girl responded by becoming the best behaved of all the women.

    A great deal of freedom was permitted as long as there was good conduct. Talk between the sailors and women was forbidden but a blind eye was turned to quiet conversations. The most vivid of the midshipman’s recollection was “lifting day”. Many of the women were from the northern counties of England where this custom was held on Easter Monday. The customary tradition was for the men to lift women in their arms and on the following day the women were able to return the compliment. On the morning of “lifting day”, Dr Clarke, a passenger, came up to the deck early and, when his back was turned, two strong-limbed stout girls grabbed the opportunity to dart under the rope, mount the poop deck, seize the unsuspecting man and carry him high on their shoulders round a circuit of the middle deck on both sides of the long boat. He was shocked and frightened and his cries brought others from their cabins. The master and first mate were Northumbrians and familiar with the custom and soon all the crew and passengers joined in and were borne around the deck amid cheering and laughter. Once the women tired they were piped down to breakfast in good humoured order.

    Dr Clarke was teased about his fright by his fellow passengers but he did not stay angry and suggested giving the women a treat. Hamett and the master were concerned at the cost but all agreed to bear the expense and the women were given a generous allowance of better-quality plum pudding and a pannikin of moderately strong punch, concocted by mixing rum and water with lime juice and sweetened with sugar. The celebration of “lifting day” on Easter Monday meant that the ship was within sight of the Van Diemen’s Land coast and close to the end of the voyage. It had been an uneventful journey and the women, well treated, had behaved and were healthier and contented on board. The surgeon and the master relaxed the discipline a little, allowed the women their fun and gave them the treats from their own pockets.

    The young midshipman’s account of the voyage held no unpleasant, resistant or worrisome incidents with the situation of the women on board. His memory of their singing was poignant as he told of listening to the beauty of their voices on the night air at sea. After arrival in Hobart he said that all were assembled on deck and the captain and surgeon asked to state what the general conduct of the women had been during the voyage. Both men reported favourably, not even mentioning the recalcitrant, elderly woman, who had twice been in solitary confinement. When the women were asked to state any complaint there was a general cry of “None” and they clapped.

    As the women were disembarking they shyly presented the surgeon, captain and passengers with small tokens such as bookmarks that they had made on the voyage. Many sobbed as they left their friends and the ship. One of the women who disembarked was Ellen Miles who, in later years, became a well-known, notorious prostitute in Victoria. She was thirteen when transported and lived until 1916.

    Sir John Hamett, surgeon superintendent, Mr James Tweedie, the master of the ship and Dr John Clarke, Deputy Inspector of Hospitals, who was a passenger, had proved to be competent, humane, and brave men.

    Three years after his voyage on the Gilbert Henderson, Dr Clarke, as Deputy Inspector of Hospitals in the colony, received many sick and dying women and children from the East London convict transport and was shocked by the high death toll and what he saw and heard of the terrible voyage. He immediately called for an inquiry. His experience on the Gilbert Henderson with surgeon Sir John Hamett, set a standard that failed completely on the East London.


    The medical journal from the Gilbert Henderson 1840. National Archives UK; ADM 101/29/7

    Old Bailey online; Mary Connor & Bridget Tighe, 13 May 1839

    The Englishwoman’s Domestic Magazine 1866

    Frost, Lucy; Sailing with Children on Convict Transports; CSO5/1/237/6101, p. 5; CSO5/1/237/6101, p. 5

    TAHO: Gilbert Henderson; Conduct Records, CON 40

  • Edward Caldwell (East London 1843) Open or Close


    Edward Caldwell

    b c1789 Coleraine, County Derry, Ireland   d. 1 May 1864 Norfolk, England


    The Voyage of the East London 1843
    10 May 1843 – 21 September 1843


    Edward Caldwell entered the navy list in 1808 and was about fifty-four years old when appointed surgeon superintendent aboard the East London in 1843. It was a four-year-old ship, built at the Sunderland yards which had a reputation for building fast and seaworthy vessels.  All was readied for service as a convict transport, with the regular arrangement of berths, six feet square in two tiers along each side of the between decks. The hospital was in the fore part of the ship and a bulk head separated it from the prison.  Ladders provided access to the decks and the hatchways were fitted with secure locks. Once the stores were loaded and the crew mustered, Edward Caldwell boarded in Deptford and, after a week’s sailing, the ship arrived in Kingstown Harbour on 21 April at the same time as the Constant which was hired to transport male convicts.

    Major Collingham, the Inspector of Prisons visited the ship and was pleased with the arrangements. Edward Caldwell returned the visit and saw Major Collingham at his office in Dublin Castle to organize the embarkation of the prisoners. There were 133 women with 50 children ready to board. The majority had been charged with some type of larceny; mostly pathetic crimes caused by extreme poverty – theft of food, poultry, small items and clothes stolen from the workhouse. Anne Read broke a street lamp the year before her sentence of transportation because she was starving and wanted to go to prison. A few women faced rather cold and cruel decisions when their sentences were handed out while some were quite the entrepreneurs of their class.  But most were practised petty thieves –used to pick pocketing and snatch and grab – with well-worn paths to the pawn shops and fringe market stalls. For rural women the theft of livestock was their downfall. Others were from the towns, the slums, the streets. Many were prostitutes probably more than those who admitted to being on the town.  But individual stories had long strands which were often complex.  Mary Kelly, in court a month before her sentence of transportation, was asked by the judge if she would go home if he let her off.  She said she would not go home for any money.  The women were not without connections, some on board were related and many had husbands, fathers, brothers and sisters and children transported on other convict ships and one had a husband who was a soldier in the colonies. The women had close family who sailed on at least sixteen other convict ships. However, the women ordered to embark on the East London were not of any different category than others who were transported, particularly from Ireland.

    They boarded the East London in two groups. The first smaller group appeared settled with few children. The second and larger group was made up of women with the most children, particularly infant children and there were sickly women or those who had given birth in prison, the trouble makers and the late arrivals in Dublin. They probably had little choice in berth places and were most likely near the water closets and hatchways. Many of the women left children in Ireland and must have boarded with tears in their eyes and grief in their hearts.  Edward Caldwell noted the mess groups which showed fellow inmates from the same county or those who had travelled together from nearby counties usually remained companions. Ill health, disability, and perhaps having a bad temper or many children were not inducements for sharing close quarters.  The ship sailed on 10 May 1843.

    It was the high number of deaths which singled the voyage out from the other ships bringing female convicts to Van Diemen’s Land.  Nineteen women and twelve children died at sea and twelve women and seventeen children were sent to hospital on arrival; one, possibly two, women and, ten or eleven, children died in the following weeks.  Dr John Clarke, Deputy Inspector General of Hospitals V.D.L., called for an enquiry. Three doctors on the board of enquiry found that the women refused food and deposited faeces, urine and water on the prison decks at night. Dr Clark responded to the report and said other ships had sailed from Ireland on equally tedious voyages where the women had not refused food.  He said a strict and stern discipline should have been used to avoid the shameful violation of decency. The report from the enquiry blamed the women’s refusal of food and the filthy habits regarding hygiene as the cause of the deaths and little blame was attributed to Edward Caldwell. At the end of the enquiry Sir William Burnett wrote, “I do not find that neglect or improper treatment can be fairly charged against the Surgeon”.  Dr Clark, who asked for the enquiry, attended the women admitted into the Colonial Hospital and must have heard their stories. Perhaps what he learned from them prompted his remarks about the type of food provided and the lack of discipline regarding hygiene.  His letter suggested that a more suitable diet should be considered for Irish convicts and wanted to inform the Government at home of the terrible infant mortality. “Of the 12 deaths among the children all were under the age of 2 years. These are melancholy but most important medical statistics. They all died of Atrophy with its attendant bowel complaints. Scanty and unhealthy food, foul air, cold wet, and maternal neglect are sources of disease which infant life cannot long struggle against. That a mother, could have maintained an infant on the breast and brought it alive to this Colony, whose own nourishment, derived solely from a small portion of salt pork and ship biscuit daily appears indeed extraordinary”.

    The medical journal gave some clues to what happened. Edward Caldwell had over thirty years’ experience in the Royal Navy.  His medical records showed he understood and practised the medical methods of the time and applied his knowledge in the treatment prescribed for the sick women.  However, one entry said he imagined it possible that male convicts would keep the lower deck as men of the line but the female wet the deck at night.  While he was a willing surgeon the role of superintendent may not have been quite to his liking especially being lumbered with Irish women convicts.  The information he received from the doctors at the Grangegorman Lane prison may have led him to believe he was dealing with the most incorrigible of characters.

    The heavy weather in the first weeks caused sea sickness and nausea and many women lost their appetites. Evan before the ship sailed Mary Healy, a vagrant, was admitted into hospital.  She was described as a very dissolute, dishonest, bad character. When Edward Caldwell visited the penitentiary at Grange Gorman the doctors there told him that she had been on a hunger strike and refused to eat food except what was pleasing to the palate and had colluded with others to join her. On the ship Mary stayed in hospital and died of tuberculosis so she was in no position to lead a hunger strike at sea.   But Edward Caldwell, probably influenced by what he heard about Mary Healy, believed the women deliberately refused to eat and said that only the most deserving would get lemon juice the others having declined their food. The result was scurvy.  The lax discipline about the issue of lemon juice had dire consequences, especially for women who had been many months in prison, had very young babies or had suffered from the effects of poverty. They were the women who died.

    In its early stages, scurvy causes extreme weakness, loss of appetite, diarrhoea and irritable temperament.  Throughout his journal, Edward Caldwell wrote that his patients had become indolent and careless or disagreeable and slothful.  In his notes about the women who died, he used words such as “careless indolent young woman”, “indolent and regardless of life” and “careless indolent and filthy habits” and “giving way to indolence and carelessness of her person, her clothes and her bedding”.  He also mentioned women with nervous and irritable temperaments. Scurvy was listed in the medical records of twelve of the dead women and symptoms in the descriptions of the illnesses of several others. The hospital was often full and sometimes dying women remained in their berths until a death created a vacancy. So many women and children, very weak and with diarrhoea, would have completely overwhelmed the water closet facilities on board. The weather was bad for much of the voyage and sea sickness was widespread but there was no mention of extra hygiene measure taken to ensure cleanliness and health in the strained circumstances. The enquiry found that the women deposited their faeces and urine on the deck and spilled water across them at night.  It was likely they made some attempt to clear the foulness of faeces and vomit from around their berths. Edward Caldwell’s task each morning was to see that all was cleaned and the bedding of one dying woman was so foul it was tossed overboard. and in another entry, he said a patient’s bedding, clothes and boards were taken up and sprinkled with chloride of lime. But the sick, lethargic and irritable women with fifty children, twenty-one under the age of two, would have caused many demands for bed pans and buckets, possibly far beyond what was usually provided.  Women, close to death but still in their berths, must have been a huge burden and their care and bodily needs, left to be attended by messmates.

    The high mortality had to be accounted for and Edward Caldwell wrote up the case notes for each death among the women and children.  His medical treatment was carefully noted and prescriptions detailed. His added a brief synopsis about each of the dead women, noted prior illnesses, poor living conditions and weak, nervous and irritable temperaments. He said there were three who did not make their illness known to him before embarkation and several, of whom he had been warned, were imposters and malingerers.  In his general remarks he told of two women who attempted suicide by hanging. Both lives were saved at the time.

    The journal included the case notes for most of the children who died at sea and on arrival in Hobart Edward Caldwell registered the deaths.  The cause of death condemned their mothers as indolent, careless and neglectful with words such as “gross neglect”, “wilful neglect” and “bad nursing” in the notes.  Six of the children who died outlived their mothers, three died not long before their mothers and one new born lived only three days. However, the entries in the journal gave a different insight into the behaviour of the mothers.  Caldwell said that one woman, “without my knowledge attempted to put the child to breast again”, another had her child “constantly at the breast” while having no milk support and one had deceived him by “continuing to suckle her baby”.  In the early part of the voyage Anne Read consulted the surgeon daily for her children and as her health failed she at first refused to give up her younger child, Eliza, to the hospital. Edward Caldwell was affronted when she wished Eliza dead and after Eliza’s death said she was happy that the child had died.  Anne Read died three weeks later. Ann Gannon consulted the doctor repeatedly for her child who had a chest problem.  Mother and child both died. 

    Three children were born on board. Six days after leaving Dublin, Mary Harrowhill gave birth to a healthy female child. Despite the severity of the weather at the time of birth and the long voyage, the infant girl survived, perhaps due to support by family connections in the mess group. Mary Deane also gave birth and her female child survived, again, probably aided by several family connections in the mess group. Eliza Higgins gave birth to a healthy child, Catherine, but the little girl died of convulsions.

    There were two accidents recorded in the journal.  Three-year-old William Lyons broke his arm when he fell down the ladder of the main ladder. Due to his mother’s carelessness according to the surgeon. The fracture was successfully treated and William Lyons survived and was sent to the Orphan School after arrival.  Eliza Cinnamond, a strong healthy woman, was sitting upon the booms, when she was thrown against the bulwarks as the ship pitched during heavy weather.  She was badly injured, semi-conscious and vomited clotted and frothy blood.  Edward Caldwell was called and Eliza was able to indicate the area of pain along the ribs on the left side of her chest.  She was taken to her berth but removed to hospital the next day.  Bloodletting was the main treatment over the next few weeks and she was given liquid medication of sulphur magnesium and diluted sulphuric acid which she found difficult to swallow.  She was also dosed with mercury.  The bloodletting relieved her breathing a little and after almost four weeks she returned to her berth. But she never fully recovered from the injury and died in March 1846 at the New Norfolk Hospital.

    The East London made one stop when it put into port at Madeira, four weeks into the voyage. Once anchored in Funchal Roads, Edward Caldwell wrote to the Vice Consul for a supply of water to enable the ship to continue its journey and fifteen tons was purchased. At his own expense Edward Caldwell bought sufficient vegetables, to last a fortnight, for those confined in the hospital.  In early July he wrote, “In order to afford amusement, and occupation to the females I distributed to each a supply of printed calico for the purpose of keeping the mind employed and black worsted for the purpose of knitting”.   He ordered fifteen pints of oatmeal for the children and elderly women and preserved meats and rice instead of salted meat.

    As the ship, with a good supply of water on board, approached the Cape of Good Hope, Edward Caldwell decided it was better to sail onto their destination without delay. It was a decision criticized by Dr Clark, Deputy Chief Medical Officer, Hobart, who disagreed with the statements that mortality lessened in the last weeks and argued that many women and children died in the latter part of the voyage.  He said, “The ship ought to have put in at the Cape of Good Hope”.

    The regulations about liaisons on board were also ignored. Catherine Shaw, nineteen years old and, ‘of very prepossessing appearance’, according to Irish newspapers, had the opportunity to fall in love during the voyage. William Jarvey, an officer, came back to Hobart and married her within a year.  As Catherine Shaw was able to find comfort away from the squalor of the prison deck it appeared that rules were not enforced.  It was probable that she was not the only one who was able to liaise with the officers and crew.  The meeting between Catherine Shaw and William Jarvey came to light in Dunedin New Zealand in 1865 when he stood trial for her murder.  He told the court that they had sailed to the colony together.

    There were many factors which led to the high death toll on the East London.  Bad weather throughout the voyage made conditions uncomfortable although such sailing conditions were faced by others over the years.  The high number of very young children with little provision made by authorities to cater for their needs was more unusual than in some voyages.  The nourishment for the infants was left to the mothers who, in many cases, were not in good health. The children under two years old did not survive.  Edward Caldwell’s decision not to enforce the taking of lemon juice, a necessary dietary requirement, brought on scurvy in those who had compromised constitutions.  He chose to give lemon juice to the most deserving and in the notes about those who died he used words such as dissolute, vagrant, weak temperament, unhealthy and extremely poor and, perhaps, looked on them as responsible for their own fate.   The widespread illness which resulted worsened conditions on the prison deck and made managing them a daunting task.

     The medical case notes showed that Edward Caldwell was a competent doctor who carefully recorded his treatment in his journal.  But his remarks about the women wetting the decks at night and not being not like men of the line, showed his frustration with having to deal with female convicts. He looked after the sick and visited in the morning but left the routines below deck at night to the women themselves, to their detriment.  His own life was at a crossroads.  In March 1840, three years before he boarded the East London, a notice in the Hampshire Advertiser announced the sale of his horse, livestock, carriages and gigs and gave notice that he was leaving his home, Millbrook, in Hampshire.  His wife and family moved to Australia but his wife died in Sydney at the home of her daughter and son-in-law, while Edward Caldwell was still aboard the Cambridge in the Mediterranean.  By the time he accepted the assignment on the East London, the sale of his home and all the household goods had been completed.

    After reaching Australia Edward Caldwell worked in Carcoar, New South Wales, near some of his children but returned to England in June 1844.  He was declared unfit for Naval service in 1850 and died in Norwich on 1 May 1863, aged seventy-four. He had fifty years of distinguished service as a Royal Naval Surgeon. He never made another voyage on a convict transport.



    Medical Journal of the East London AJCP ADM 101/22 Reel 3139

    Letters which Preceded the Board of Enquiry, Report of the Board of Enquiry, CSO 16, 18 No. 388, 22/88/185

    Medical Journal of the John William Dare (General Remarks) AJCP ADM 101 Piece 254


    British Newspaper Archive:

    Catherine Shaw; Freeman’s Journal (Ireland) 7 February 1843; Saunders News Letter (Ireland) 8 February 1843


    The Trial of William Jarvey; Empire (Sydney) 3 October 1865

    Susan Cassidy, Hobart Town Mercury 2 February 1857

    TAHO CON 40/1/2 Conduct records of the women from East London 1843


  • John Grant Stewart (Nautilus 1838) Open or Close

    John Grant Stewart

    1. c 1806 - d.1869 in Devon

    Surgeon Superintendent of convict ships.


    Nautilus 1838 to VDL 137 females (1 death)

    Egyptian 1839 to VDL 190 males (1 death)

    British Sovereign to VDL 1841 180 males (no deaths)

    The Voyage of the Nautilus

    29 April 1838 from Woolwich - 29 August 1838 Hobart


    John Grant Stewart was promoted from hospital mate to assistant surgeon in 1825 and gained seniority as surgeon in the Royal Navy in September 1829 when he was twenty-three years old. His first appointment as surgeon superintendent on a convict transport ship was the Nautilus in 1838 and he served on two further such voyages to Van Diemen’s Land.

    In his early thirties and an experienced doctor, his medical journal gives an insightful view of the voyage which carried 133 female prisoners and eight children. Sixty women were from Scotland, forty-four from the Penitentiary and Newgate in London and the rest from inland prisons.

    When 137 women arrived for embarkation, Stewart considered that many looked unhealthy. The certificates, forwarded by the medical officers of their gaols, merely exempted them from having particular or contagious diseases. Limited to a spur of the moment decision as to their fitness, Stewart felt it was not enough time to see who was “equal” to make the voyage but rather selecting who was positively unfit – a much narrower choice.  Many women did not want to be exiled from their homeland and told “all sorts of lies to avoid doing so”. The Police Reports showed frequent imprisonments and indicated that many had led dissolute lives. Stewart thought their unhealthy appearance could be put down to a poor way of life and hoped steady habits could restore their health. However, four women were re-landed, ruled unfit for the voyage.

    The Nautilus was a barque, in good condition, and admirably adapted for the transportation of prisoners. The lower deck was unusually high and the hatches large. She carried her canvas well and was remarkably dry. There was no poop deck, the lack of which was considered unfavourable for discipline on a female convict ship, but Stewart felt that rather than using it as a vantage point to police the women, the extra space was healthier for them.

    The women were up on deck from 7am until just before sunset unless the weather was wet. Awnings were used on hot or rainy days and windsails were set to circulate air. The prison deck was washed and rubbed dry every day. Stewart said that the floor was so dry he could rub the heel of his boot over it without observing any marks. He went around at 10 every morning to see that all was clean and remarked, “The promise of tea and sugar saved all the trouble except the decision of which was the cleanest mess”. Banter and taunts surrounded the inspection which Stewart regarded as punishment enough for any whose mess merely hinted at being dirty. Keeping the water closets clean was a greater problem and chloride of lime was used on and around them but it was difficult to keep them sweet smelling in warmer weather.

    Stewart thought the method in which meat for the prisoners was preserved with cracked pepper kept it fresher than that served at the Captain’s table. He noted that a glass of wine was issued to each woman at midday and, in the month before reaching Hobart, a second glass was given in the evening. The withdrawal of that privilege was a punishment for improper behaviour. Lime juice was served separately.

    The beds had to be rolled and put up on deck every day, but because the position of the galley caused smoke in the area, Stewart changed the regulation to every other day. Over the week the women were given the opportunity to wash their clothes in fresh water and undergarments had to be changed on Sundays. In the tropics they bathed in the morning, between 6 and 9, on every sixth day. On cold days they were allowed to go below and bed curtains protected them from the cold at night. Stewart made his last round at 8:30 after the women were in bed and, from that time, no talking or noise of any sort was allowed.

    Diarrhoea and dysentery were the main complaints from embarkation and over the first month at sea, mainly as a result of the change from a jail diet to the fuller and more solid meals provided on board ship. Prison diet was regarded as part of the punishment for crime but Stewart said that although it was acceptable for temporary incarceration, it should not have applied to those sentenced to exile.

    He observed how the English women, the first embarked, found the rations more than they could manage, but the Scottish women said they were insufficient and seasickness seemed to whet their appetites. The difference between the groups was put down to the sedentary habits and the loneliness of life in the cells of the London prisons. As the journey went on, all adjusted to the regimen. After seeing the differences and the resulting responses, Stewart felt a larger field of observation of the scales of diet in the prisons and the length of confinement could determine the effects on the women’s health. What he saw and experienced caused him to look into the jail rations and he drew up a chart listing what was provided by each. It was evidence of poor preparation for a long voyage and resulted in the diarrhoea and stomach complaints of the first weeks. He was also suspicious of water taken from the Thames and ordered filtered water as in the terms of the contract. He learnt from surgeons on the hulks that male prisoners suffered the same illnesses when first on board but fared better on the transport ships because they were accustomed to the diet. Apparently, they ate well before leaving, “gorged” was the word he used, but said female prisoners did not have the same opportunity as they did not have the funds.

    As the ship proceeded south, gastric complaints eased but returned occasionally during cold weather. Towards the end of the voyage all had cleared up and in the last seven weeks there were no cases of that nature. After arrival, the change to a fresh meat diet caused the gastric problems to recur. Sea sickness was mentioned only once in the journal case notes. Ann Burn, a forty-eight-year-old hawker from York, suffered greatly throughout the voyage and her illness varied with the motion of the ship but was never absent. From a fat jolly woman, she became emaciated and feeble and could barely walk. At one time she felt so despaired that she gave her keyring to Stewart. He prescribed opium to help her but it did not work and instead ordered effervescing draughts, with small amounts of opium added, which were more effective. Ann Burn was put into a hammock to lessen the roughness of the ship’s motion and ease her sickness. Eventually she became well enough to leave the hospital but was allowed to return to sleep and have the benefit of the hammock.

    The Nautilus was becalmed for two weeks when the north east trade winds failed and the accompanying rains and sultry weather made living conditions on the prison deck dreadful, particularly at night. The windsails were trimmed and Stewart directed an eight-inch square scuttle to be opened through the after bulkhead of the hospital directly opposite the cabin door to allow a horizontal flow of air into the prison. It made a considerable difference. The stanchions which formed the barricades were nearly six inches wide and left little space for air to flow between them and made conditions below quite perilous. Stewart suggested that square bars of 1½ inches with 3 inches between would allow more fresh air. He said that two circular horizontal bands would prevent the uprights from warping and the prison would remain secure. He sought to solve problems and improve conditions.

    As they reached cooler climes of the southern waters, bronchial problems broke out and Stewart discovered that some women had traded their clothes while in their prisons for what he called “the gratification of some of the worst appetites of our nature”. However, he praised the ladies committee and the crown for providing clothes for the voyage and said that the undergarments were made of excellent material but the dresses and shoes supplied by the authorities were too flimsy to last the voyage. At night some women slept huddled together for warmth, while others, for their own reasons or, by exclusion from the group, lay alone. Three adult women appeared to be the allotted number per berth and, with one blanket for each, sharing the cover kept them warmer.

    Stewart checked regularly for signs of scurvy and after three months at sea he found minor symptoms in a few women, so from that time, inspected their gums weekly and issued preserved soup as a precaution. In the four cases of scurvy that developed towards the end of the voyage, only one was from that original group. Careful when using a bread and water diet as a punishment Stewart did not push the length of that regime too far as it took about a fortnight to recover. The women who endued that punishment did not have any symptoms of scurvy nor did any patients who had been treated with mercury.

    The ceasing of the women’s menstrual cycle was quite common and Stewart said that although he entered eleven on the Nosological Table that number was not a fair reflection of the many affected in that way. About a third of the women stopped menstruating either before or during the voyage but Stewart did not consider that it affected their health. He blamed the salt provisions of the diet and ordered a little cold water to be thrown up into the vagina as a remedy. It apparently solved the problem for a time but some patients required colchium (autumn crocus) for temporary relief. It was a medicine used to treat gout and to increase circulation.

    Stewart found that the women were fond of “physicking themselves” and visited the surgeon more often than males. He said the women on the Nautilus were “no more or less in good health” than in other ships and it was quackery and boasting by commanding officers who said there were no illnesses among their convicts on arrival.

    In the journal, Stewart included the medical notes of women he had refused to accept for the voyage. One woman, who was pale and common looking, had an epileptic seizure which the nurse from the Penitentiary reported was regular. The patient was returned to her prison. Three others were sent to the Unite hospital ship; two were prostitutes, one with ring worm of the scalp which had been a chronic condition for eighteen years and the other had a very unhealthy appearance and had been under mercury treatment for many years. The fourth woman had scrofulous ulcers on her neck and along the right side of her face and her glands were enlarged. Stewart ruled them unfit for the voyage

    There were three patients whose illness were labelled nodi (nodus, meaning a small mass of tissue, knot or protuberance). The women, all prostitutes, had inflammation and swelling on their lower legs. Each had been in prison a number of months before embarkation and had prior bouts of ill health. One admitted having had a venereal disease and one denied it although Stewart did not believe her. He mused over the cause of the inflammation and counteracted a documented statement by Dr Rankin that scurvy was frequently accompanied by such symptoms and the use of mercury was inappropriate. Stewart said he lacked the courage to treat the disease as scurvy. He regarded the symptoms as indicating venereal disease and so used mercury to control the syphilitic affection of the bone. But his individual notes showed he was suspicious of scurvy also being present. All the patients were discharged well.

    Many women had diarrhoea or dysentery, several from the time of leaving their prisons. Mary Hampton was a forty-eight-year-old widow in reduced circumstances and suffered purging throughout much of the voyage. In one instance she blamed being frightened during a thunderstorm for her symptoms. However, she was in robust health by the time the ship arrived in Hobart. Stewart treated all these patients with purgatives and mercury and his notes showed that at least two of them also had tuberculosis.

    There was one death during the voyage, Jane Brown, a twenty-eight-year-old prostitute, who had been six months in the Penitentiary before embarking on the Nautilus. Pallid and emaciated from long being subject to diarrhoea, she was admitted to the ship’s hospital while at Woolwich, discharged after a week but readmitted in early May. Stewart said she looked older than her age and wondered whether her illness was a consequence of drinking or disease. Over the first month the diarrhoea continued and she was feverish and very weak. Many remedies such as purgatives, enemas, bloodletting and opiates were tried to alleviate her symptoms. She was given a thin pease soup but fancied a little meat in preference. The nurses attended to her carefully as the weather became hot, however, Stewart thought the heat contributed to her life being unable to be saved. She died 3 June.

    Fever cases broke out as the weather warmed and became sultry. Margaret Hodson, a thirty-four-year-old itinerant, described as a powerful and muscular woman, was a cook for the prisoners. When she became feverish Stewart took sixteen ounces of blood from her and administered purgatives. The hot weather bothered her and she complained about not lying in a current of air, but she soon recovered and was discharged. Catherine Picton, thirty-three and a prostitute, was another strong healthy woman “of very dissipated habits” who suffered intermittent fever. She had a maniacal illness while in the Penitentiary and put her illness on the ship down to the same cause which Stewart said confused the true nature of her case. She also recovered her strength.

    Two patients, Mary Ann Williams and Mary Connoway, were treated for loss of vision. Both were punished during the voyage and perhaps were isolated for a time in a dark space. They complained of indistinct sight during the day and complete loss of vision at night. Williams was a stout healthy woman and Connoway, who only had one eye, was a powerful woman in robust good health. Williams was admitted to hospital, bled, blistered and discharged, but returned with the same complaint within weeks. Although she was cupped, repeatedly blistered and given a slight course of mercury, her sight did not return. Three weeks after she was sent ashore in Hobart, Stewart visited her and found her recovered, which he put down to the fresh diet. Connoway was also bled, blistered and purged and recovered quickly.

    Ann Wilson, twenty-eight, caught Stewart’s eye because of her loss of weight. On embarkation she was a robust, fat woman with a high complexion, but became emaciated and her features sunken. Stewart diagnosed her complaint as dyspepsia but it was her behaviour which gave him greater concern. She sat apart from the other women, generally with her back to them, looking listless, unoccupied and apparently unhappy. He wondered if she was becoming insane. Taciturn and peevish, she cried violently and refused her soup. Admitted into hospital with a little fever and general indisposition, she had no obvious illness, except a most infirm temper. She rallied as the nurses accommodated themselves to her whims. Stewart thought that because she had been put into a mess with Scottish women as a punishment, her illness was in all probability, the result of her chagrin at the situation.

    An unusual case confronted Stewart with patient, Maria Smith, a good-looking twenty-two-year-old woman, who stated that she was a widow. She had been sentenced to fourteen years transportation for the abduction of fifteen-month-old infant, Ann Jones. The child’s father, Henry Jones, a painter, claimed that Maria Smith was allowed to lodge at his family home because she was an orphan in distressed circumstances. After the abduction, he searched for three weeks and had almost given up hope when his child was found in a dreadful, almost unrecognizable, state. Maria Smith was arrested, tried, and found guilty. Received on board ship, she appeared parturient and advanced to seven or eight months. While at Woolwich she complained of numbness along her left side and at 3 am in the morning Stewart was called and found her moaning and insensible. He bled and purged her and applied cold lotions to her head and she recovered, although there were frequent recurrences of the attacks throughout the voyage. By early June she was very stout and symptoms suggested labour had begun but after two days of sanguineous discharge the pains subsided, the abdomen became much smaller and her health improved.

    A few weeks later, the discharge reappeared, green and offensive, but there were no pains. Stewart measured her abdomen, and examined her vaginally three times and finally considered that there was a large globular body in the upper part of the vagina, an “Hydatis Uteri”, a molar pregnancy. He regretted that he had left the date of her incarceration blank when he drew up the case notes but was under the impression that it was August and she had been living with somebody up until that time. Maria Smith said that she lived with a surgeon in Greenwich for three years before her trial, but newspaper reports of her crime said she was living for five months in the house of the family whose child she abducted.

    Maria was also noted in the Sick List with a case of caries. Perhaps the damaged tooth was extracted, which was the usual remedy for dental problems. Stewart said that she was a very bad woman with an excretable temper and used very bad language so it is likely that she swore at him during some of her treatments. In Hobart, he followed up on her case and found that “at her own earnest wish” she went into service as a needlewoman, still with an enlarged abdomen. Maria Smith married in 1841, gave birth to a son in 1846, and probably left the colony soon after.

    Two women kept Stewart busy and he labelled them hypochondriacs or “valetudinarians”, which was the term he used. Margaret Wood, forty-eight, servant and pot house keeper, from Edinburgh, suffered from an itch, with sickness and loss of appetite. Treated for two weeks, her skin became clearer and she recovered but as she had left her husband and two children in Scotland she must have been greatly distressed. Margaret Vizard, forty-eight years old and, on board with two children, had tuberculosis. Stewart complained that she was always missing below with her children. She offered many excuses blaming her state of health for exempting her from the general regulations which required her to be on deck during the day. After disembarking she was the only woman not able to walk the two miles from the landing place to the Factory. However, her illness was real and she died less than three months after reaching Hobart.

    Towards the end of the voyage there were four cases of scurvy; Catherine Langlands, a very large, fat and inactive woman who did not relish lime juice, Margaret Howard, a thin spare woman, Ann Gardener, florid and healthy and, Martha Dodds, florid and “getting very stout”.  They were given vegetables and fresh meat on arrival.

    Three young men from the ship’s crew, showed some of the problems encountered at sea. Seaman Charles Colvin, nineteen, was struck on the head when a block from the main sail fell. It caused a deep gash and he convulsed and became almost senseless, but after being bled, purged and rested, was able to return to work four days later in a satisfactory condition. The steward, twenty-year-old, George Smith, became ill while laying the table for dinner. He had a severe headache, watery eyes and was pale and half comatose and Stewart diagnosed apoplexy but felt that it could not be blamed on the sun because Smith had not been exposed. He bled him, applied cold lotions to his head and gave him Croton Oil. He recovered quickly despite suffering uncomfortable stomach cramps probably brought on by the foul-smelling purgative oil. Ship’s boy, fourteen-year-old Jack Lewis, had a more unusual case of paralysis. A fair and active boy, he was struck down with spastic contraction of his left arm and fingers following soreness and numbness in the extremities and odd feelings in his feet. He had not been in contact with lead which left Stewart perplexed about a cause for the problem. Lewis was “briskly purged”, and had his arm tied down to the side very strongly. Once he could move the arm a little, he practised positioning it every night and gradually was able to raise it with less contraction inward.  He had “perfectly recovered” by the time he sailed home to England on the same ship as Stewart.

    On arrival in Hobart, Stewart completed the remarks regarding the behaviour of the women while on board the ship and the majority were well behaved. His favourable words included orderly, clean, industrious, neat, inoffensive, diligent, honest, active, peaceable, sober and has a good disposition. Some were given high praise; Sarah Taylor and Jane Eaton behaved very well and were regarded people of great promise; Margaret Murdoch also had considerable promise. Martha Montgomerie and Ann Frances Brown, appointed as nurses, were said to be active, intelligent and kind, with exemplary behaviour. Julia St Clair Newman, a young woman born in Trinidad and educated in a French boarding school, gave no trouble and showed great command of temper. The Nelley sisters were also women of great promise. Harriet Gardiner was smart, clean and an exuberant spirit. Olive Page and Ellen Jones were punished for fighting, but otherwise well behaved and Stewart thought they would probably make good servants although noisy and snappish Ellen Jones would perhaps be a feisty servant.

    Punishments were meted out for fighting, striking and theft, and two for drunkenness. How it was administered was not detailed but it was probably confinement on a bread and water diet as Stewart mentioned in the General Remarks that he used the restricted diet for a limited number of days. Ten women were punished for fighting, eight for striking and eleven for theft.  It appeared that the fights turned physical at times. Many women involved in fighting were reported as peaceable and well behaved after the incidents and punishments. Women also quarrelled and swore and several were said to be fond of wrangling. Those with unfavourable remarks were noted as bustling and quarrelsome, passionate, impetuous and forward, malicious, hot-tempered, noisy, perverse and Ann Harvey was described as being thoughtless and having no heart but neat and orderly. Theft was severely punished and eleven women were labelled thieves, with Margaret Perrie Johnston twice a culprit.

    Fourteen women were found to be smoking but whether it was up on deck or below in the prison was not mentioned. Giddy Emma Williams smoked and swore. One woman was a gambler and another was accused of prostitution on board although she later recanted the charge. Margaret Develin was simply unhappy.

    A week after arrival in Hobart, seventeen of the crewmen were charged with disorderly conduct and refusing to work on board ship. They claimed it was because they did not receive sufficient rations. The excuse was labelled a pretence and two men were returned to the ship and the others served fourteen days hard labour in prison.

    The arrival of the ship resulted in an interesting article in Bent’s News and Tasmanian Register 21 September 1838. The opening paragraph began, “The Nautilus has brought to our shores the celebrated female convict, Julia Newman”. Julia St Clair Newman moved in a “respectable sphere of life” in London, and was convicted of larceny at the Old Bailey and sentenced to transportation. She was one of the women John Grant Stewart had described favourably. Her story is told in the Edges of Empire Biographical Dictionary (Convict Women's Press).

    John Grant Stewart served as surgeon superintendent on two further voyages transporting male convicts to Hobart. He returned to England and in 1845 was one of the medical men who volunteered to attend the fever patients aboard the Éclair. All were honoured for their humanity and their service to the unfortunate sick men.

    John Grant Stewart died at Ivy Bridge, Devon, in 1869. His obituary was published in the Evening mail December 1869.

    The death is announced of Dr. John Grant Stewart, C.B., Late Director General of the Medical Department of the Navy. Dr. Stewart entered the navy as assistant surgeon, and obtained the rank of surgeon in 1840. He was specially promoted to be deputy inspector in 1845 for having volunteered his services to go on board and take charge of the infected patients in the Eclair. In June 1861, he was made an Inspector General of Hospitals and Fleets, and for a short period was Director General of the Medical Department of the Navy from which department he had to retired through ill health. He was granted a good service pension in April last.



    Medical Journal Nautilus 1838 ADM 10156-1

    Female Convicts Research Centre Database; Nautilus 1838


    The Hobart Town Courier (Tas.: 1827 - 1839 Fri 7 Sep 1838 Page 4.)

    The Standard 10 October 1845.



    Prison Diet for Females

    (Information of prisoners on board)

    Dornoch, Sutherland

    d in money given in lieu of rations

    Leicester County

    Breakfast: ½ pint of gruel & ½ pint milk

    Dinner: ½ pint of beef soup & 1# potatoes.

    Supper: pint of gruel

    Small loaf, mainly ½ quartern daily


    4d in money in lieu of rations.

    A shop kept in jail by gaoler.


    Porridge & milk or small beer for breakfast.

    Broth with two-penny & penny rolls for dinner.  No supper.

    Leicester Town

    Pint of peas soup & 1# potatoes daily

    About ½ pint oatmeal two days in week.

    1/2 quartern loaf every other day.

    Dalghelly (Wales)

    No note.

    Nottingham Town

    A quartern loaf daily; & 1 qt milk 4 days in week, 3oz other days, 1# oatmeal weekly.


    1½# bread daily, & 1 pint milk Ms & Ws.

    7d a week in cash for coals & which is laid out in [?tea & coals by each] in turn.


    No note

    Haverford West

    20# flour & 1½# cheese weekly.

    Gruel ad libit for breakfast, dinner & supper.

    Newgate London

    Gruel ad libit, twice a day; potatoes & beef 4 times a week; 1¼ brown bread daily.  Dinner peas soup ad libit.

    Hereford (before trial)

    1 pint of gruel & penny loaf, breakfast.

    “             “              “                   dinner

    After trial for six weeks

    1 quart of peas soup for dinner & two days in the week 1# potatoes in lieu.

    Penitentiary Millbank

    Breakfast 6 oz bread & ½ pt milk thickened with flour .

    Dinner 6 oz meat & 1# potatoes 4 days in week; bread & drink often Beer.  Supper pint gruel & 6 oz bread.  On bread and cheese days 26 oz bread instead of 18 oz; on Monday onion with cheese.

    Edinburgh (Jail)

    Breakfast porridge with pint of milk.

    Dinner: Broth & ½ {?worth} of bread.

    On Saturday: Bread & cheese with pint of small beer.

    Supper: Porridge & milk.


    ½ quartern loaf daily.  Porridge with ½ pint milk.  There seems an omission in the notes of Perth diet.  The women looked well fed.

    Edinh (Bridewell]

    Breakfast: Porridge & ½ pint of beer.

    Dinner: Broth 2 pints (cow head)

    [?illegible] of bread Mondays & Wedness.

    ½ bread every Thursday.


    Pint of gruel daily for breakfast, ½ quartt loaf every other day; ½ peck [loaf] potatoes weekly; pint of gruel for supper.  Meat & potatoes given raw.


    Porridge & milk Breakfast.

    About quart of good soup & #i bread no solid meat; no supper; Convicts & 12 month = prisoners allowed 1 penny’s worth more bread than 30 or 60 day prisoners.

    York (Castle)

    Gruel morning & evening ad libit.  ½ # beef one day in week & potatoes ample for dinner. 3 days gruel for dinner & 3 ox head soup milk potatoes.

    1½ # bread.

    York House of Correction Harefield.

    Gruel night & morning 5 times a week; other times broth.  Dinner Sund. large rice pudding, Monday onion & bread; Tuesday gruel; Wed 6 oz meat; potatoes & bread; Thursd: gruel.  Frid: ox head soup with peas.  Saturday gruel & pimento.

    NB # = pound

    ad libitum –  as much as they desired


    No notes; considered full by prisoners.


  • David Thomson (Eliza III 1830, New Grove 1835) Open or Close


    David Thomson

    c 1788 d. 1874


    Eliza 1830

    London to Hobart Town

    117 female convicts (2 deaths)


    Earl of Liverpool 1831

    London to Sydney

    90 female convicts (1 relanded, 1 death)


    Stakesby 1833

    Spithead to Hobart Town

    216 male convicts (0 deaths)


    New Grove 1835

    England to Hobart Town

    165 female convicts (0 deaths)




    The Voyage of the Eliza III 1830

    left Woolwich 7 November 1829 – arrived Hobart 24 February 1830

    117 female prisoners 2 deaths



    David Thomson joined the Royal Navy in 1807 having received diplomas from the College of Surgeons of Edinburgh and London.  He gained seniority in 1810. His first voyage aboard a convict ship was the Prince Regent 1824 to New South Wales where he applied for a land grant. He signed his application as surgeon, Prince Regent, but may have been assistant surgeon or a passenger. He was careful and attentive to the regulations resulting in only four deaths among prisoners during his convict transport voyages. He successfully supervised 752 convicts to reach their destinations, mostly in good health.

    He was appointed surgeon superintendent to the Eliza in 1830. It was a class E1 ship, built at Java in 1815 and was fitted out at Deptford ready to carry the female prisoners to Van Diemen’s Land.  The117 women prisoners boarded at Woolwich over a three-week period.  It was the beginning of December and the cold, damp weather meant that several women and children were already ill before the ship left for sea. Elizabeth Fielding, who recovered from a pneumonic complaint and dysentery in jail, travelled the long distance from Stafford to Woolwich on the outside of the coach, exposed to the weather and arrived exhausted and very ill. Thomson said that the only health complaint she mentioned on embarkation was haemorrhoids and he was led to believe it was the cause of her unhealthy appearance.  Despite the care given, she died from dysentery a week after sailing.  Her six-month-old infant daughter had accompanied her and was weaned due to Elizabeth’s illness.  The little girl had diarrhoea and was fed with arrow root, sago and beef tea but the purging continued and she was restless and crying. She died the day before her mother.

    On first putting to sea, boisterous weather caused violent motions of the ship and sea sickness in all the women, some to an alarming degree. It made exercise impossible and caused long continuous loss of sleep and, with a change of diet to salt provisions, the illnesses all worsened.  Thomson felt that sea sickness was greater than usual due to the winds being generally strong throughout the voyage and said, “Many of the prisoners were never free from sea sickness for one entire day during the whole voyage & all suffered more or less from the same cause, being unable to take the exercise necessary to preserve a state of health.”

    Thomson entered his medical notes into the journal in diagnostic groups. The first were the fever patients who generally suffered from coldness and shivering, headache, body aches and debility.  He wrote up seven sets of case notes and his treatment included purgatives, diaphoretics, and quinine. All recovered but sixteen-year-old Elizabeth Dyer, who became ill mid-January, was still weak and needed assistance to walk six weeks later when the ship arrived in Hobart and was sent to the Colonial Hospital.  The more serious pneumonia cases occurred towards the end of the voyage and all recovered. Thomson said that several others had similar complaints but to a lesser degree.

    Two women patients had chronic rheumatism and Thomson treated them in the usual manner with sudorifics and rubefacients which were sweating and blistering powders. Nineteen-year-old, Charlotte Bell, was diagnosed with hepatitis. She was admitted into the hospital at Woolwich with cold shivers, a pain across her chest which went into the right shoulder, difficulty in breathing and a sallow countenance. Purgatives, blistering powders, mercury and digitalis were used to treat her and she was well enough to leave hospital a month later. Haemorrhoids also caused difficulties for a few women.  One severe case, Mary Ann Clark was bled, given laxatives and confined to hospital and advised to remain in a horizontal posture. Three women with heavy menstrual bleeding were also directed to remain in a horizontal posture, kept cool, given effervescent drinks and had cold clothes applied to their abdomens.

    Dysentery cases caused abdominal pain and purging and seven cases were noted in the journal.  Mary Harris blamed eating pease soup for her illness. She was unwell for much of the voyage and eating any type of food irritated her bowels.  As well as purgative medicines she was given opiates to relieve the pain and allowed a hospital diet until disembarkation. Most of the cases fully recovered.

    Many of the young children were affected by serious illness from the time they embarked and some had diarrhoea to a dangerous degree. Four were admitted into hospital while still at Woolwich.  Three of these children died; two were only six months old and their mothers were unable to provide breast milk, one was Elizabeth Fielding’s daughter. “Spoon meat” was tried with Baby Haynes and arrow root and beef tea but the purging continued. Thomson prescribed anodyne enemas twice a day but the child rapidly declined in health and died while still at Woolwich. Fourteen-month-old N. Marsden, a little boy, was unhealthy when boarding and soon succumbed to diarrhoea despite the medicines and flannel rollers wrapped around his abdomen to ease his pain. Thomson wrote that he inspected the body and found the small intestines and lower part of the abdominal cavity of a preternatural colour.  Five children whose ages ranged from three to four years were ill with diarrhoea during the voyage but recovered. Thomson blamed the mothers’ inattention to their children and allowing them “to partake freely of salted meat – in opposition to my advice having always prepared fresh food for them from the preserved meats etc on board.” He also said that the infants who died were not accustomed to being fed “spoon meat”.

    Three young women, Priscilla Heath, Rebecca Monksfield and Margaret Bailey were affected with hysterical paroxysms of great severity. Two of them reached a stage of “complete mania” according to Thomson and they had to be put into “Strait Waistcoats”. He blamed the weather which was intensely hot at the time and said there was “much febrile excitement”. The women were bled, dosed with purgatives and had cold compresses applied to their heads. All the symptoms subsided in a few days.

    Margaret Thompson, thirty-six, was also seized with hysteric paroxysms. Her fits caused violent convulsive movements and she was incoherent and delirious. She “had led a life of the greatest intemperance” and suffered from epilepsy although she had no fits in the first weeks of the voyage.  When admitted to hospital Thomson said that she was in “a state of complete derangement, furious incoherent and ungovernable” and passed her urine and faeces involuntarily. During the night when she was violent she was put into a strait waistcoat. Her head was shaved and washed with cold vinegar and water. The illness continued and she was more rational during the day but was restrained by the strait waistcoat at night. As the days went on she became more composed but looked ill. She had pain under the left breast, a little shortness of breath and a cough and declined in strength and health over her two months in hospital before she died. The day after her death, Thomson performed an autopsy and found many tubercules in the lungs, the liver tuberculated and contracted in bulk and the stomach thickened and red.

    The last three patients were women in childbirth. Two delivered their babies at eight months. Jane Jones had been constantly sea sick and was in a state of great debility. Her very small, emaciated, feeble son was wrapped in flannel, unable to be washed as it was considered unsafe. He cried and moaned, could not suck and died within days. Ann Garley, forty years old, lost her appetite and become emaciated despite being allowed additional wine and preserved meats.  Her infant daughter was also delivered at eight months of the pregnancy.  When the mother was not able to secrete milk, the child was nursed with goat’s milk and arrowroot.  Ann Garley recovered slowly to much better health than when she boarded and her infant was said to have improved in health. Ann Nott was delivered of a full-sized infant at the full period of gestation. He was a healthy little boy but had a double hare lip and was unable to suck and could only swallow with the greatest of difficulty. Both mother and child were landed in good health at Hobart. It is probable that the new born infants died within weeks of landing in Hobart.

    In his General Remarks Thomson said that the regular routines of stowing the bedding in hammock settings and cleaning the prison decks were carried out as well as weather allowed. The decks were holystoned daily and washed occasionally when it was fine and dry.  At times vapour of vinegar and gunpowder from the swing stoves ventilated the prison whilst the women stayed on the upper deck. Breakfast was at 9am, dinner at 1pm and tea at 4pm.  Wine and lemon juice were served out at the tub between dinner and the time the women were mustered and sent below.

    He wrote that the moral conduct of the women was, with few exceptions, good. He resorted to punishment on only six or seven occasions but did not describe those measures.


    The Voyage of the New Grove 1835

    left England (Scilly Islands) 25 November 1834 arrived Hobart 27 March 1835

    165 female convicts 0 deaths


    I invariably had a portion of each meal sent for my inspection to ascertain that the victuals were properly cooked, a point of great importance as regards the health of the prisoners.


    David Thomson took over the role of surgeon superintendent of the New Grove at the Scilly Islands, possibly St Mary’s, on 24 November 1834, following the serious illness of surgeon, George Rowe. According to unsigned notes about a man referred only as ‘my father’, but filed in the New Grove journal, was an account of a sudden illness which caused paralysis, loss of sight in one eye and loss of speech. It was probable that the unnamed man was surgeon George Rowe and the medical notes were written by his son who must have also been a doctor.  Such severe impairment in a surgeon superintendent would have caused the ship to head to port for aid and a replacement.

    The man chosen to replace the seriously ill doctor was forty-six years old, David Thomson, Royal Naval surgeon.  He had experience as a surgeon superintendent on three prior voyages, the Eliza III, 1830, to Van Diemen’s Land, and the Earl of Liverpool, 1831, and the Stakesby 1833, to Sydney.  The New Grove was his fourth such voyage.

    Thomson was pleased with the New Grove which was on its second voyage and in very good condition.  It was dry and the accommodation was good. Every berth was occupied with the 165 prisoners, five free women and twenty-eight children. The hospital was situated in the after part of the lower deck which David Thomson thought in “every respect preferable” to the usual position in the bows the ship. He made some suggestions to improve the facilities in the hospital and thought the table should be larger and with a rim so that articles would not fall off as the ship rolled.  He said the ship’s carpenter could “fit out” the bulkhead so it could hold quart bottles of the mixtures. 

    When he boarded the New Grove, Thomson found that discipline was not as “might have been expected” and put it down to lack of supervision due to the illness of Surgeon George Rowe. However, Thomson believed a good system of management benefitted the health of the women and he established his order. The weather throughout the voyage was “generally fine and dry”. Every morning the upper deck was washed and dried by swabbing and then the women were called by name and admitted on deck, each carrying her bed neatly lashed up to be stowed in the gangway nettings by a sailor. The beds were not allowed to be kept below unless the weather was wet or damp.  By calling the name of each woman, morning and evening, David Thomson was able to inspect them individually twice a day as they passed him moving up to the deck and at 5 PM going below. He felt it enabled him to become familiar with their faces and gave him the chance to detect any neglect in cleanliness of person or dress.

    The regulations and established routines aboard ship were designed to preserve the health and Thomson paid particular attention to them as he carried out his duty as surgeon.  His journal reflected his focus and described the symptoms and treatment of his patients rather than any remarks about their characters or happenings among them. He organized his reports and grouped the serious illnesses together with a daily account of the symptoms and treatment for one patient in each group.  The other cases were marked as being similar.  Nearly all were concluded with the words, “Discharged cured”.

    At the commencement of the voyage there were many complaints and Thomson believed they were due to depression about the situation in life in which the women found themselves, the change of diet and lack of exercise. He selected three “steady women” as nurses or attendants to aid him in the hospital, under watchful superintendence, to prevent the sick being neglected or their duties carelessly preformed. Pneumonia and fever accounted for nearly half of the cases in his journal and all patients recovered under the usual practices of bleeding, blistering and diaphoretics.  Sulphur magnesium and Senna were used as mild purgatives and occasionally digitalis was prescribed.  Thomson said that he usually administered the medicines himself and visited the hospital twice a day but frequently more often.   He found that bleeding had a “decided benefit” in some illnesses.

    Bowel problems were common and ranged from constipation to diarrhoea and the more serious dysentery. Purgatives and emetics were used to combat the symptoms. In the dysentery cases, fomentations were applied to the abdomen and opium prescribed as well as a light diet with barley water or effervescent drinks.  The patients recovered from the mild forms of bowel problems in a few days and from two to four weeks in dysentery cases. Five babies were born at sea; two were a little premature and were delivered stillborn. In each of those cases Thomson observed discolouration and concluded that the infants had died in the days before delivery.   He said damage to the placentas was caused by the women slipping as they went up and down the ladders. Three babies were born at full term and were strong and healthy.  One little girl was born to Mary Morgan, already the mother of eight children. The birth went well and the baby was strong and robust. Mary Morgan arrived in Hobart with her eight daughters and one son.

    One eighteen-month-old boy, described as emaciated, was admitted into hospital suffering from diarrhoea.  David Thomson strived to treat the child, however, he had little expectation that the infant would survive. Purgatives, fomentations and a diet of sago and rice were prescribed but the child continued to be fretful and ill and developed fits which were often very strong and sometimes left him comatose.  He was put into warm baths to help him recover after the convulsions. Thomson wrote of being annoyed with the mother who kept giving the child salted meat and “other improper food” instead of the diet of preserved meats and medical comforts which he had ordered.  The child remained in hospital for three months until they reached Hobart where he was sent ashore to the Colonial Hospital.  At the end of the case notes Thomson said that he was informed the child eventually recovered. It was a satisfactory result after such a struggle at sea to keep the little boy alive.

    Haemorrhoids in two patients caused much suffering.  The first case was admitted to the ship’s hospital at Scilly before sailing.  Mary Ann William was in great pain with anal abscesses, fever and headache.   She remained in the hospital for the entire voyage and was sent to the Colonial Hospital on arrival. Thomson treated her with the usual purgatives and ordered fomentations (cloths steeped in hot water) and cataplasms (poultices). Incisions were made into the abscesses and the infectious matter drained.  He inserted a probe into a sinus which was opened to its length and then dressed it with an unguent.  The pain Mary Ann Williams suffered must have been terrible indeed. But her life was saved and after she recovered in the Colonial Hospital she completed her sentence and married in Van Diemen’s Land.

    A difficult case was Caroline Burnett, who was nineteen years old.  She was on the sick list from the time she embarked and treated for venereal disease but David Thomson believed she had “internal haemorrhoids”. She had pain throughout her abdomen extending up the right side of her chest and was given mercury, purgatives, enema injections of zinc sulphur and others of warm water. She recovered briefly but the symptoms reappeared and she became very ill.  She was too debilitated to be bled so other forms of treatment were used but gave no relief. Once the ship reached Hobart she was sent ashore to hospital and died the next day.  A post mortem examination was made. Thomson did not say if he was present but he reported it in detail so it is probable he did the procedure himself.  It was found that Caroline Burnett had inflammation of the peritoneum and splenic ulcers which had penetrated the length of the bowel and contents had spilled into the abdominal cavity.  Thomson was able to see the extent of the disease which had affected Catherine Burnett’s body.  After striving hard to treat her for three months he finally uncovered how far the disease invaded her body and the terrible damage it caused.

    The final remark to the authorities was that he could offer no suggestion in way of improvement in the accommodation, clothing or other arrangements as the prisoners had reached the Australian colonies with little serious illness or deaths which was proof of “a state of perfection, as circumstances will admit.”

    David Thomson was Surgeon Superintendent on the emigrant ship John Barry 1837 carrying emigrants from Scotland to Sydney. He remained in new South Wales and resided in Raymond Terrace in 1841, however, by 1843 he had moved to 'Pentland' at Murrurundi where he was appointed Magistrate. In 1848 he decided to leave the district and his household furniture and other household goods were advertised for auction which was held on the 14 July 1848 after the Page's River Races. Thomson returned to England, and although he died in Guernsey in 1874, his estate near Murrurundi was still known as Dr. Thomson's Pentlands fifteen years later.



    National Archives UK, Royal Navy Medical Journals, 1817-1857.

    ADM 101/ 23/6 Medical Journal Davis Thomson, Eliza 1830

    ADM 101/56/6 Medical Journal of David Thomson, New Grove 1835

    TAHO, Conduct Records, Eliza 1830 and New Grove 1835



  • James Hall (Mary Ann 1822, Brothers 1824) Open or Close


    James Hall

    1. 17 September 1784 at New Inn Yard, Shoreditch, London,
    2. 30 March 1869 at Gladstone House, Southsea, England.

    James Hall was promoted to surgeon in the Royal Navy in September 1817 and he served on four convict transport ships. There were only three deaths among the 562 convicts he was in charge of which was remarkable given the cramped and damp conditions aboard the ships.


    Agamemnon 1820

    179 male convicts to Port Jackson, (1 died at sea)

    Mary Ann 1822

    109 female prisoners to Hobart and Port Jackson (1 died at sea). Also, on board were 11 women granted free passage and 45 children.

    Brothers 1824

    90 female prisoners to Hobart and Sydney, (1 died at sea). Also, on board were some fare-paying passengers of whom 4 died at sea.

    Georgiana 1833

    184 male convicts to Van Diemen’s Land. (No deaths) 


    The Voyage of the Mary Ann 1822

    25 December 1821 - 22 May 1822

    James Hall was the surgeon superintendent on board the Mary Ann, built at Batavia in 1807; it was his second command on a convict transport ship.  The Mary Ann left Portsmouth on the 25 December 1821 and sailed, via Rio De Janeiro, with108 female prisoners; 45 women disembarked at Hobart on the 3 May and, 62 in Port Jackson on 22 May 1822 (one woman died during the voyage).

    Before the convict transport ships left England, they were visited by Christian ladies who comforted the convict women with small articles useful for needlework and offered words of advice. They also made appeals to Whitehall on behalf of the women with various requests, particularly regarding their children.  Mrs Elizabeth Fry, a Quaker, was a leading figure and one of her companions, Mrs Pryor, visited the Mary Ann and wrote of seeing the women from Lancaster Castle, arriving, not merely handcuffed, but wearing heavy irons on their legs which caused considerable swelling and even serious inflammation.

    While the ship was at Woolwich, women were embarked up to a month before sailing.  In the early morning of 4 December, forty-four women were removed from Newgate, under an escort of hackney coaches, to Wapping, and were put on a boat to the ship then laying at the Nore.  By Christmas the ship was at Portsmouth and all were on board and the ship ready to sail.

    The journal recorded daily medical cases, although only for selected days, but the work of the surgeon and the suffering of those in hospital can be clearly envisioned. The first patients were admitted because of sea sickness, constipation and chest infections.  Hall wrote, “All complaints are absorbed by sea sickness, which prevails to a large extent over the prisoners”.  One of the free women passengers, Mrs Leake, was violently seasick, debilitated and depressed, and became very frightened for the safety of the ship.  She continued to “labour under great debility and depression of spirits, the consequence of sea sickness and imaginary fears”. Her nausea and vomiting resulted in sluggish bowels and constipation and at one time, she did not have a bowel motion for over a week. 

    The months living in crowded conditions on a diet of salted provisions worsened the bowel problems.  In fact, these persisted throughout the voyage and Hall treated the women with purgatives, particularly jalapa (a tuberous root), or mercury when a patient had dysentery.  As they entered warmer climes, heat added to the discomfort and about a dozen women a day were given purgative medicines for bowel and stomach complaints and olive oil when they had haemorrhoids.  Elisabeth Vaughan, who had no bowel motion for three weeks, refused to have an enema so was given purgatives and sulphur magnesium.  For other common illnesses, such as colds and chest infections, patients were bled and given all purpose purgatives.  Hall applied poultices to their chests and cupped them to remove toxins.  Some of the older women suffered uterine problems and were given mild purgatives and small doses of mercury.

    There were a few accidental injuries.  Mary Loyd scalded her arm, one of the children, while playing, received a blow to the nose which caused a great haemorrhage and Elizabeth Ellerbeck had a contusion to her left side and shoulder.  Rachel Chamberlain received a small wound to her forehead and Jean Jarvis and Sarah Ann Godbold both suffered injuries which were not serious enough to warrant fuller explanations.  Keziah Hulley had a severe contusion on her big toe. These types of injuries would have been common when the women moved up and down ladders and through hatchways as the ship pitched and rolled.

    Keeping a respectable distance between the women and the crew was part of the surgeon’s responsibilities. Hall punished women he found prostituting themselves with the crew and had harsh words to describe their morals and behaviour.  Sarah Appleton was, “very sly, of a silent demure habit”; Elizabeth Ellerbeck, “reprobate and hypocrite” and Mary Ann Griffin another “reprobate and thief”.  Hall did not record their punishment.  Hannah Reading was, “a dirty reprobate and vile prostitute; a very abandoned depraved girl, but capable of improvement”.  But there were women whose behaviour and habits he praised; Elizabeth Smith was a, “very genteel well-behaved woman of a quiet and excellent disposition.  Her husband is a respectable tradesman in London.  She has been gay, vain and thoughtless, left her husband and family, and cohabited with a bad man, Joseph Smith, who arrived in the colony on the ship 'Lord Hungerford’. She now seems repentant, sensible of her faults, desirous of leading a virtuous life and being restored to her husband, who has always been willing to pardon her.  She merits the notice of the benevolent”.

    Twenty-three-year-old Sarah Fletcher was described as, “A robust country woman.  A dangerous woman to man.  Under a fair face and simplicity of manners lie a lustful heart, a lying tongue and great hypocrisy in religion.  Prostitute.  An infamous feigner of illness”. Sarah had been sentenced to death for “embezzlement from an employer” but it was commuted to transportation for life.  Admitted to the Hospital, initially suffering from pleuritis, she also complained of uneasiness in the hypogastrium and round the umbilicus and had an urgent desire to pass urine without the ability to do it.  At first, she refused a catheter, but when the symptoms increased alarmingly, she allowed the instrument to be passed and relief followed.   But constipated and with her belly distended, violent and acute pain caused her great distress.  The case seemed hopeless and Hall despaired “I find myself between Scylla & Charybdis as to the safest mode to be adopted in the treatment of it – as here is an active local disease in a system labouring under great debility”.  Sarah Fletcher was bled, had fomentations applied to the abdomen, and was given enemas and doses of sulphur magnesium, castor oil and opium.  After being abused by another patient her health was “agitated” for some days.   Hall did not include any further medical notes but in his General Remarks section, directed to the Admiralty, he warned that Sarah Fletcher had used lustful and wicked ways and at night had often desired him to insert a catheter.  He hoped his comments might forewarn his brother officers on female convict ships. “Pleuritis which had nothing worthy of notice in itself, but it induced a train of nervous symptoms, which the patient (Sarah Fletcher) artfully employed, and made subservient, to her lustful and wicked designs.  I would not here mention one of her arts, did I not hope that the perusal of it may put such of my brother officers as may be placed in charge of female convicts on their guard, and thereby prevent an imposition being practised on them, and defeat an artful attempt on their professional and moral character:- this young woman was able at any time to excite various symptoms of Hysteria, and greatly accelerate the pulse; and oftentimes she feigned a retention of urine, with all the attendant symptoms, in order, especially in the middle of the night, that I might be urged to introduce the Catheter!” Sarah Fletcher was punished as soon as her “imposture’ was found out and thus, “radically cured”.  She reached Hobart, served her sentence, married, became a mother and lived a long life.

    Sarah Fenton, twenty-eight years old, was sentenced to transportation for life for larceny. She was described as very petulant, a furious reprobate and difficult to manage.  Bowel and stomach complaints caused her great distress and Hall prescribed saline draughts.  However, her conduct in the hospital was very disorderly and, when placed near Sarah Fletcher, she took umbrage and became violent and abusive.  Uproar followed and the next day she took her bed and left the hospital and had to be carried back by force. Although Hall did not think her illness was of any importance apart from an occasional symptom, she remained in the hospital.  She wouldn’t converse with him except by using violent language and refused to take medicine. The only further comment about her was a remark, “no change”.  In Hall’s surgeon’s report, he wrote: “This woman is supposed to be as desperate & depraved a character as ever has been transported; capable of doing murder; turbulent; reprobate; never easy but in mischief; fond of exciting uproar and mutiny; a feigner of illness; an hypocrite; a Devil incarnate.  Has been repeatedly punished with temporary benefit - kind treatment has no effect.”   Sarah Fenton, married and became a mother and died in 1866, aged 72 years.

    Hannah Whitely, was appointed as school mistress and the surgeon wrote, “A woman of plausible manners, a pretender of Religion, and was employed as schoolmistress; has been found to be a vile dissembler, prostitute, and connected in the infamy of Rachael Chamberlain and Sarah Fletcher; fond of writing letters for bad purposes”.  Hall’s opinion of Hannah moved from “plausible manners” to “vile dissembler” but he did not explain the “infamy” she was connected to, nor, the content of the letters for bad purposes. Perhaps the inclusion of the word prostitute hinted at a reason.

    Before sailing, Keziah Hulley was accused of feigning insanity. Hall described her as an old woman, who had “often exhibited in her conduct an estrangement of mind; she now labours under insanity & is so far mischievous, & if allowed, even outrageous in her actions as to render coercion necessary”.  By the time she reached Hobart she was very debilitated.       Mary Walton, seventeen years old, had pain around the iliac area caused by a severe blow she had received from Mary Ann Smith, (died on board ship), several months earlier, while they were in prison.  Her menstrual periods ceased and she had pain and haemorrhaging from the stomach, mouth and nostrils.  Although she was bled and given purgatives, it did not contain the haemorrhages for more than a day or two, and she began to have difficulty passing urine.  To relive her, Hall used a catheter, but could only draw off about two ounces of urine.  He applied a blistering agent to her belly and ordered a saline draught but it did not alter her condition. She complained of violent gastric pains and had further discharges of blood from her nose. Hall wanted to administer a cold enema but she refused to permit it.  When she vomited her tea, it was found to be mixed with sulphurate of zinc and she blamed the nurse who gave her the tea.  Hall became suspicious but said he could not discover a motive.  He suspected that Walton was deceiving him and regarded her as “somewhat simple” and, furthermore, despite her complaints, had never lost her appetite.  A few weeks later she was back on the list in what he considered an unusual case of self- harm. “This is a girl of great wickedness & this has been before intimated.  Some weeks ago she scalded her breast & belly; the curative process was very irregular, but was at last completed.  After a few days she was again scalded in the same parts & these would not heal, but vesicated & began to ulcerate.  Today I was suddenly called to her, she said she was very ill: she cried; the pulse was quiet, the skin cool, but the tongue very white; it seemed as if chalk had been applied to its surface; examining her hands to see if they were white, I saw her fingers stained by Argentum Nitricum.  After many enquiries & threats, she confessed she had applied the caustic to her tongue, & had swallowed the remainder, (a juice of about Эj.) four hours, or more, ago.  She had no reason to justify her conduct…..A careful examination of the now extensively denuded & partly ulcerated surface of the thorax & abdomen; and examination of the Cataplasma, shewed to my amazement, minute portions or particles of Emplastrium Lyttæ, which she had applied to prevent the scalded surface from healing: & she now confessed that she wilfully scalded herself.”  It was the last medical entry about Mary Walton but in the General Remarks at the end of the journal he said she had attempted to poison herself and was punished.

    Ann Williams, twenty-two years old, caused concern after she had been “impregnated privily by one of the sailors on board” and was suspected of having used “mechanical means to excite a miscarriage”. Hall accused her of being a wicked woman. She had pain and discharge and was put to bed but there was no confirmation of an actual miscarriage. The surgeon’s report said she was, “a swearer, disorderly, prostitute and had been punished”.

    Mary Beldon, had an “obscure internal disease” which she attributed to having accidently swallowed a pin. Two days later Hall described a tumour stretching from her forehead, down past the left eye which was swollen closed and ulcerated. He treated it with a lotion of zinc sulphate and water. She was sent to the hospital on arrival in Hobart and died ten months later.

    There was one death during the voyage.  Mary Ann Smith, twenty-six years old and chronically ill, was admitted to the ship’s hospital before sailing, having “a number of ailments of a chronic nature, under which she has been labouring for several years”; among them diseases of the abdomen, nervous system and dropsy.  Irritable, with a great aversion to taking medicine, Hall considered her capricious and obstinate. She would not always tell him of her complaints and remained in hospital, melancholy and irascible, vomiting blackish fluid and passing watery stools.  He applied blisters to her abdomen and allowed her wine but her mood remained irritable and revengeful.  She vomited almost all she was given, but bottle porter settled her stomach and beer became her favourite drink.  One afternoon she got out of bed to examine her bag of clothes and found some items were missing. She flew into a violent fit of anger which almost deprived her of life and had to be returned to bed where she lay in a languid state. By the end of January, she was so gravely ill that she made preparations to meet her fate and, though extremely weak, was able to be raised on her pillow to drink porter and vent her temper. She died on 27 January 1822.  Hall reported that she had a cancerous affection of the stomach and he had difficulty preforming an autopsy due to the damage in her body. 

    Mary Ann Griffen had conjunctivitis and a headache for which Hall prescribed a lead eye wash and a purgative. However, the “low diet” of the hospital was not to her liking and she got up and left but had to return when the headache worsened. The eye infection spread to both eyes and Hall said it was because of her neglect and accused her of going on deck contrary to his advice.  He bled her and ordered her temple blistered and the eye wash repeated.  Eventually she recovered.

    A long sea voyage was not a new experience for Mary Burtonwood who had slight case of chronic dysentery which she said had occurred originally when she was in New South Wales. She was in her forties and supposedly the wife of William (Bill) Soames, a London pick pocket, who was transported to New South Wales in 1823. The name under which Mary Burtonwood was sent to New South Wales is not known.

    The children had similar bowel and stomach problems as the adults and were also mentioned as presenting with eye infections, scabies and sores, worms, swollen glands and contusions from accidents. Fifty-six-year-old Hannah Howell had four of her children on board with her; the eldest was twenty-two years old.  Her daughter, twenty-year-old, Hannah, was treated by the surgeon after going on shore, probably Rio de Janeiro, and being exposed to the sun which caused heart palpitations, a rapid pulse and cramps in her hands and feet.

    In his summary of the illnesses during the voyage Hall found that nearly half of his patients had headaches and problems arising from the plethora of blood vessels and the increased action resulting from the stimulus to the head. He said bloodletting restored the harmony of the body.  He noted that many women had ceased menstruating whilst they were in jail and thought that it caused disturbances in the female system.  Many suffered from constipation and some did not use their bowels for up to two weeks. He felt that enemas should have been administered but “the genuine delicacy of the English female forbade their use, and only in two instances could I persuade those degraded women to submit to their employment”.

    The Mary Ann reached Hobart on 1 May 1822 and the Lieutenant Governor inspected the forty-five women who were to be disembarked.  Seven seamen, from the ship, were incarcerated there for mutinous conduct and neglect of duty; one of them had attempted to strike the master, Captain Warington. Later they were sent onto Sydney and eventually discharged from duty.

    The ship reached Port Jackson, NSW, on the 22 May 1822 to deliver the last group of sixty-two women.

    The Surgeon Superintendent of the “Mary Anne” convict Ship also writes: -

    “On a view of the state of this ship, and comparing it with what has been reported of preceding female convict ships, I feel myself justified in saying, that no ship has arrived here in a more quiet, decent state, than the “Mary Anne”, and very few have or can equal it. We have no complaints against the crew or women; no intestine broils, all is harmony and decency”.


    James Hall’s dealings with the women from the Mary Ann did not finish after they disembarked in Sydney. He met with and took action on behalf of Ann Rumsby whom he knew from the voyage. She was a handsome young woman assigned to work as a servant in the home of Dr Henry G. Douglas at Parramatta.  Hall visited Dr Douglas at his home and according to rumours, went there deliberately to see Ann Rumsby.  After he conversed with her, he wrote to the Rev Samuel Marsden and signed affidavit to Judge Advocate, John Wyld, attesting that Dr Douglas had tried to seduce Ann. Questioned under oath and perhaps, not wanting to be returned to the factory, Ann did not waver in her testimony that her master was innocent. She was convicted of wilful and corrupt perjury and ordered to be sent to Port Macquarie to complete the last five years of her sentence. However, Governor Brisbane, stepped in and granted her a free pardon.  At the time there was political rivalry between the liberal and reforming leaders of society and those who believed in a strict application of the law. James Hall and Ann Rumsby were caught in the middle of that powerful factional struggle as Dr Douglas was a reformer and, his enemy, Magistrate Rev. Samuel Marsden, had severe authoritarian views.

    A full account of the incident and Ann Rumsby’s life can be viewed at the website -



    National Archives UK, Royal Navy Medical Journals, 1817-1857:-

    Medical Journal of James Hall, Mary Ann ,1822, ADM 101/52/1

    Medical Journal of James Hall, Brothers 1824, ADM 101/13/6

    TAHO, Conduct Records, Mary Ann, 1822 CON 40

    Charles Bateson, 'Hall, James (1784–1869)', Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University.

    Memoir of the life of Elizabeth Fry: Volume 1 By Elizabeth Gurney Fry, Katharine Fry, Rachel Elizabeth Cresswell.  


    (Hobart Town Gazette and Van Diemen’s Land Advertiser 11 May 1822).

    The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser 18 August 1828

    The Voyage of the Brothers 1824

    15 April 1824 – 6 December 1824


    The Brothers, built in 1815, was classed as A1 and deemed to be in good condition. It sailed a direct route from Portsmouth, leaving on the 6 December 1823 and arrived in Hobart on the 15 April 1824 with 90 women prisoners on board; 50 disembarked at Hobart and 39 continued to Sydney.  (1 died at sea)

    The first patients were women with cold and flu type illnesses, who, after being treated with mild purgatives, recovered quickly.  Once the ship put out to sea many suffered from sea sickness although Hall wrote that none of the children was taken ill.  The women who were retching were given emetics which helped them feel better. However, sea sickness slowed the bowels and cathartics were prescribed, sometimes repeatedly, to purge the bowels and provide relief.  Mary [Ann] Turner, one of the patients suffering from constipation, had ‘lain many days in a state of torpor, careless of everything, not having any appetite; always in bed, & silent’. Hall was convinced that she had a heavy burden on her mind because of a concealed crime. He urged her ‘so closely by tender persuasion, to disclose her sorrow, that at length I found she had no other mental disease than indolence; upon which I turned her out of the Hospital’.

    Mary Partridge, twenty-one years old, was transported for life after her death sentence was commuted.  She had no appetite, a sensation of tightness in her chest when coughing and, had not menstruated for several months. She was pale and ‘indulged in silent grief at being separated from her mother’, according to her sister, also on board.  Her mother, Mary, the Elder, and her sixteen-year-old sister, Ellen, were accomplices in her crime but while she and her sister were transported on the Brothers, their mother was sent to New South Wales in 1825 aboard the Grenada.  Hall found Mary Partridge’s only complaint was debility and ordered a hospital diet and cinchona (quinine).  But her health continued to fail and she developed a short hoarse cough and died suddenly on 1 April.  Hall performed an autopsy and found five pints of thin fluid blood in a cavity of the thorax and part of her lungs hepatized.  Her sister, Ellen, reached Hobart without any illness and was eventually allowed to join her mother in New South Wales.

    The passengers also came under Hall’s care.  Two patients, Mr Butler and his six-year-old son, had tuberculosis. Mr Butler, who had not been well for nearly three years, was emaciated, short of breath and ill for much of the voyage but the surgeon noted, ‘the appetite continued vigorous to the last day or two, and his hope of a recovery were often lively’. However, Hall did not expect that they would survive the voyage; the little boy died soon after the ship sailed and his father not long before it reached Hobart.

    Mr J. Falloon was on board with his wife and family. Mrs Elizabeth Falloon had been appointed to take over the role of Superintendent at the Female Factory in Parramatta and Mr Falloon, the superintendence of another branch of the Factory.  On board ship, Mr Falloon was unwell and Hall diagnosed Cachexia (wasting away) and included his opinion on its probable cause. “I soon discovered that he had destroyed his constitution, nearly, by habits of intemperance; and drinking of spirits”.  Mr Falloon fell into Hall’s displeasure for failing to heed his warnings that relying only on the ship’s rations would be insufficient nourishment to feed his large family.   Falloon, an irascible alcoholic, soon found that his allowance of rum was too small.  He engaged the master of the ship to supply him with a daily ration of rum and spirits which helped briefly, but his legs became swollen and covered in blood spots.  Hall told him to apply for an additional supply of food from the cabin table.  That helped briefly, but he refused tonics, and only took the opiates prescribed with a liberal supply of his usual potion”.  Eventually this did not have any recuperative effect and he died “without pain or struggle”.

    Falloon’s daughter, Miss M. Falloon, became ill as soon as the ship set off from Gravesend. She suffered from sea sickness and Hall diagnosed her condition as Hysteria Nostalgia.  Along with symptoms of nausea, constipation and chest pain he believed that, “The remote cause of her present state seems to be mental affliction at being taken from England & having a lover behind”.  He treated her with purgatives, mercury, poultices and blistering.  Miss Falloon was an irritable patient and did not allow proper examination to be made nor would she scarcely let her hand be touched.  It took three weeks for her to eventually recover her health and be discharged from the sick list.

    One of the convicted women from Wales, Eleanor James, had limited command of the English language, which caused problems when she went to see the surgeon because of pain and inflammation in her shin.  Hall prescribed a lotion made from sugar of lead, acetate, alcohol and water.  Eleanor misunderstood the instructions and, instead of rubbing it onto her leg, drank it and ended up with severe stomach pains.  Hall immediately gave her zinc sulphur to induce vomiting and when it did not work, ordered copper sulphur as a more rapid emetic.  It acted with some success and she had a draught to bring on further copious vomiting.  The lotion was then properly applied to the inflamed leg and Eleanor recovered.

    In the nineteenth century Female Hysteria was a common diagnosis for women who had with a range of symptoms and emotional outbursts and it was considered to be caused by a complication of the uterine system.  Eighteen-year-old prostitute, Sarah Day, a delicate girl, was diagnosed with hysteria.  Constipated for several days and seized by excessively acute pains in the umbilicus lasting for five to ten minutes, she screamed “in a terrific manner”.  It was accompanied by Globus Hystericus [feeling as if there was a lump in the throat], and her menses appeared.  Hall treated her with opium, purgatives, emetics and had warm cloths spread over her abdomen, easing her pain, freeing her bowels but causing her to vomit.  Feeling drowsy her eyes took on an appearance of intoxication but, within a few days, she recovered.  However, after sitting on sitting deck in damp and chilly weather, the abdominal muscle spasms returned with severe uterine pain.  She lay lethargic, with cold feet and body chills, and again, her eyes were red and had a wild expression.  Hall ordered frictions and stimulants and small quantities of wine for her.  Drops of spirit of ether and oil of vitriol were mixed into a glass of water and taken as required and poultices were applied to the back of her neck.  Sometimes, she spoke rationally but, on irrational subjects and, was not conscious of the objects around her.  At other times, she sighed and fell into fits of laughter which continued until she was exhausted and insensible or was unable to speak with no recollection of what had passed.  In one entry Hall observed Sarah had a ‘certain degree of wantonness’ in her looks as if “furor uterinus’ was present.

    Furor, Uterinus [Latin for "agitation of the uterus"] Or Nymphomania

    This disease comes on with melancholy, lascivious casting about of the eyes, and frequent sighing; and, as it increases, the face becomes red and flushed, and the woman makes use of libidinous gestures and speeches and shows an immoderate desire for coition.

    Smith’s Family Physician by William Henry Smith 1873

    She remained in hospital for five weeks dosed with cinchona to alleviate fevers.  A fit of hysteria ushered in the next appearance of her menstrual cycle, and not long after, she was discharged from hospital and sent back to her mess. [Sarah Day disembarked in Sydney]

    Ann Wright had one of her second molars extracted and was admitted into the Hospital when she became hysterical because of the excruciating pain and swelling in her jaw.  Hall applied a blister behind her ears and prescribed cinchona.  Her remaining molar was decayed, so it too was extracted, and her mouth was washed out with hot water.  Recovery was slow and the severe pain sent her into hysterical spasms where her head and feet were thrown backwards.  A cathartic enema was administered and she was purged three times. But the pitching and rolling of the ship unsettled her stomach and caused vomiting.  Hall prescribed opium which only made her feel confused.  Then, he scarified the gums, where the teeth had been extracted, right down to the bone, and all night she was tortured by the pain.  Opium, cinchona and blistering, together with a few drops of arsenic in water, relieved the symptoms and she slowly recovered.  After eight days she was able to leave her bed.

    In his efforts to stamp out prostitution, Hall annoyed some of the crew and the women convicts became hostile.  He was reported as lacking tact and was considered to be partly to blame for what followed. Charles Bateson in his book, “The Convict Ships”, included an account of an incident which appeared in Hall’s official report to the Governor of New South Wales, “Six women conspired to murder me and did actually form a mutiny of an alarming nature, in which I was knocked down in the prison, beaten, and kicked.”   The master of the ship, Charles Motley, said that Mr Meach, the first mate, made a duplicate key to the prison and took Mary Smith out of the prison and slept with her. However, he defended Meach who had performed well as first mate and was only stood down later as a result of striking one of the women.  Lydia Gardner, one of the six women punished for the disturbance, confirmed that Mr Meach had supported the women. She told of a prior incident when Catherine Ryan had her head shaved which brought sympathy from some of the crew; Meach thought it was a “d….d rascally shame”. 

    Hall ordered the six women who took part in the resistance against him to be confined in the coal hole. The very cramped and uncomfortable conditions endured in that dark space were particularly stifling in the hot weather as the ship crossed the equator.  The women were chained for some time and on bread and water for about three weeks. The term of confinement in the dungeon varied in the reports from nine to twelve days or even six weeks; some of them, after being released, were again confined for bad behaviour.  They were allowed on deck for short periods.

    In an enquiry into the incident, Hall, the master, first mate, boatswain, passengers and some of the women, gave evidence to the attorney-general who considered that it was not mutiny but aggravated assault and conspiracy and he refused to institute proceedings.  Hall then brought a civil action against Meach, the first mate, but it was not successful.

    After the voyage Hall wrote to Elizabeth Fry in England.  In the book of her letters, edited by her daughters, was a letter from Hall written in Port Jackson after his voyage on the Brothers.

    “Port Jackson, May, 1824. "How steady is the pace of those who have forsaken the evil of their ways; such are the females (at least a great number) who have been under moral discipline in Newgate. I have every reason to be pleased with their exemplary conduct; they submit to restraint and conform themselves to discipline. "The force of example and the value of moral discipline have been admirably shown in this voyage; and when I shall lay before you the proofs, you will become more sensible, perhaps, than you have been of the value of the labours in which you and your friends are employed and may urge others to join in the same good work." A Missionary, who sailed in the same vessel, confirmed this pleasing statement. "For your comfort and encouragement, I beg leave to report to you the good conduct and decent behaviour of the Newgate women. That the kind instructions you have given them were not in vain, was very evident from their conduct during the voyage." 



    National Archives UK, Royal Navy Medical Journals, 1817-1857

    ADM 101 Medical Journal of James Hall, Brothers 1824. The National Archives. Kew, Richmond, Surrey.

    ADM 101/13/6 Medical Journal of James Brown, Mary Anne

    TAHO, Conduct Records, Brothers 1824 CON 40


    Memoir of the life of Elizabeth Fry: with extracts from her Journal and Letters, Edited by two of her daughters, 1848, p. 429

    Hall, James (1784–1869) by Charles Bateson

    Further Resources:

    Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 1, (MUP), 1966

    Charles Bateson, 'Hall, James (1784–1869)', Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University,


Further Resources:

FCRC Seminar Autumn 2014 paper by Colleen Arulappu:  Five Surgeons and their influence






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For academic referencing (suggestion only) Database: [http address], FCRC Female Convicts in Van Diemen’s Land database, entry for xxxx ID no xxx, accessed [date].

For academic referencing (suggestion only) Website:  Female Convicts Research Centre Inc., accessed [date] from [http address].